US Department of State 

Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992

Title:

North American Free Trade Agreement

Bush Source: President Bush Description: Statement released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC Date: Aug, 12 19928/12/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: North America Country: Mexico, United States, Canada Subject: North America Free Trade [TEXT] Today marks the beginning of a new era on the North American continent. This morning, the United States, Mexico, and Canada are announcing the completion of negotiations for a North American Free Trade Agreement-- NAFTA. I want to express deep appreciation to Ambassador Carla Hills, our US Trade Representative, and to Secretary Serra of Mexico and Minister Wilson of Canada for this outstanding achievement. This historic trade agreement will further open markets in Mexico, Canada, and the United States. It will create jobs and generate economic growth in all three countries. The Cold War is over. The principal challenge now facing the United States is to compete in a rapidly changing and expanding global marketplace. This agreement will level the North American playing field, allowing American companies to increase sales from Alaska to the Yucatan. By sweeping aside barriers and expanding trade, NAFTA will make our companies more competitive everywhere in the world. We have seen this happen with the US-Canada Free Trade Agreement; we will see it even more with the NAFTA. Open markets in Mexico and Canada mean more American jobs. Our nation is the world's leading exporter--well ahead of Japan and Germany. Today, over 7 million Americans are hard at work making products that will be sold around the world. Export-related jobs pay 17% more than the average US wage. These jobs are the kind that our nation needs to grow and prosper-- the kind that showcase American talent and technology. More than 600,000 Americans are now employed making products and selling them to Mexico--our fastest-growing major export market. We sold over $33 billion worth of goods to Mexico last year and are projected to sell $44 billion this year. In the last 5 years, as President Salinas has dismantled many long-standing Mexican trade and investment restrictions, our exports to Mexico have nearly tripled--that's more than one-quarter of a million new American jobs. This agreement helps us lock in these gains and build on them. Last year, the Congress endorsed moving forward with NAFTA by extending the "fast-track" procedures for congressional consideration and implementation of trade agreements. The successful completion of the NAFTA talks shows how much can be accomplished when the executive branch and the Congress work together to do what is best for our nation. I will work closely with Congress for rapid implementation. At the time "fast-track" was extended, I outlined steps we would take to address environmental and labor concerns. We have taken every promised step, and we are meeting--or beating--every commitment I outlined. This is the first time a trade agreement has included stringent provisions to benefit the environment. The NAFTA maintains this nation's high environmental, health, and safety standards. In fact, it goes even further and encourages all three countries to seek the highest possible standards. The Environmental Protection Agency and its Mexican counterpart have already developed a comprehensive, integrated border plan to clean up air, water, and hazardous waste along the Rio Grande. These problems are serious, but they will be solved by environmental cooperation, increased trade, and higher levels of economic growth--not protectionism. Unfortunately, Congress has reduced funding for our border plan in the appropriations process; I ask Congress to fully fund these important environmental initiatives. With NAFTA, we are moving forward with our trade strategy. Trade is part of my long-term economic growth plan to create more opportunities for all Americans. In a changing world, we must give our workers the education and skills they need to compete, and assistance and training to find good jobs. I've said many times: Level the playing field and the American worker can out-think, out-produce, and out-work anyone, anytime. Today's historic agreement links our future with our past. Five centuries ago this very month, a man of courage and vision set sail from the Old World in search of new trade routes and opportunities. Christopher Columbus was an entrepreneur, and the journey he started 500 years ago continues to pay off abundantly today. By moving forward with the North American Free Trade Agreement, we will replenish that investment, opening up new horizons of opportunity and enterprise in the New World. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992 Title:

Fact Sheet: North American Free Trade Agreement

Fitzwater Description: Statement released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC Date: Aug, 12 19928/12/92 Category: Fact Sheets Region: North America Country: Mexico, United States, Canada Subject: North America Free Trade, Trade/Economics, Environment, Immigration [TEXT] The President today [August 12] announced that the United States, Mexico, and Canada have completed negotiation of a North American Free Trade Agreement. NAFTA will phase out barriers to trade in goods and services in North America, eliminate barriers to investment, and strengthen the protection of intellectual property rights. As tariffs and other trade barriers are eliminated, NAFTA will create a massive open market--more than 360 million people and over $6 trillion in annual output.
Background
With sharp increases in global trade and investment flows, US economic growth and job creation have become closely tied to our ability to compete internationally. Since 1986, US exports have increased by almost 90%, reflecting our success in opening foreign markets and the competitiveness of American industry. In 1991, the United States exported more than $422 billion of industrial and agricultural products and more than $164 billion in services, making the United States the world's largest exporter--ahead of Germany and Japan. More then 7.5 million US jobs are tied to merchandise exports, up from 5 million in 1986. Of these jobs, 2.1 million are supported by exports to Canada and Mexico. For many years, Mexico used high tariffs and licensing restrictions in an effort to encourage industrial development and import substitution. Under President Salinas and his predecessor, President de la Madrid, the Mexican Government has opened its market and implemented sweeping economic reforms. In 1986, Mexico joined the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and began reducing its tariffs and trade barriers. As a result, bilateral trade has increased dramatically. From 1986 to 1991, US exports to Mexico increased from $12.4 billion to $33.3 billion, twice as fast as US exports to the rest of the world. US agricultural exports rose 173% to $3 billion; consumer goods tripled to $3.4 billion; and exports of capital goods surged to $11.3 billion from $5 billion. US exports to Mexico now support about 600,000 American jobs, while exports to Canada support 1.5 million. Economic reforms have also been good for Mexico. Its inflation rate has dropped from over 100% in 1986 to under 20% in 1991, and its economy has grown at an average annual rate of 3.1% over the last 4 years, after stagnating during the 1980s. In June 1990, Presidents Bush and Salinas endorsed the idea of a comprehensive US-Mexico free trade agreement and directed their trade ministers to begin preparatory work. Canada joined the talks in February 1991, leading to the three-way negotiation known as NAFTA. Formal negotiations began in June 1991 after Congress extended, through May 1993, the "fast-track" procedures originally enacted in the Trade Act of 1974, authorizing the Administration to submit the agreement with implementing legislation for an up-or-down vote. The President's trade strategy, which is a key part of his overall economic growth plan, is designed to create new markets for American products and provide new opportunities for American companies and workers.
The NAFTA Agreement
NAFTA will create a free trade area (FTA) comprising the United States, Canada, and Mexico. Consistent with GATT rules, all tariffs will be eliminated within the FTA over a transition period. The NAFTA involves an ambitious effort to eliminate barriers to agricultural, manufacturing, and services trade; to remove investment restrictions; and to protect effectively intellectual property rights. In addition, the NAFTA marks the first time in the history of US trade policy that environmental concerns have been directly addressed in a comprehensive trade agreement. Highlights of the NAFTA include: Tariff Elimination. About 65% of US industrial and agricultural exports to Mexico will be eligible for duty-free treatment either immediately or within 5 years. Mexico's tariffs currently average 10%, which is two-and- a-half times the average US tariff. Reduction of Motor Vehicle and Parts Tariffs. US autos and light trucks will enjoy greater access to Mexico, which has the fastest-growing major auto market in the world. With NAFTA, Mexican tariffs on vehicles and light trucks will be cut in half immediately. Within 5 years, duties on three- quarters of US parts exports to Mexico will be eliminated, and Mexican "trade balancing" and "local content requirements" will be phased out over 10 years. Auto Rule of Origin. Only vehicles with substantial North American parts and labor content will benefit from tariff cuts under NAFTA's strict rule of origin. NAFTA will require that autos contain 62.5% North American content, considerably more than the 50% required by the US-Canada Free Trade Agreement. NAFTA contains tracing requirements so that individual parts can be identified to determine the North American content of major components and sub-assemblies, e.g., engines. This strict rule of origin is important in ensuring that the benefits of the NAFTA flow to firms that produce in North America. Expanded Telecommunications Trade. NAFTA opens Mexico's $6 billion market for telecommunications equipment and services. It gives US providers of voice mail or packet-switched services nondiscriminatory access to the Mexican public telephone network and eliminates all investment restrictions by July 1995. Reduced Textiles and Apparel Barriers. Barriers to trade on $250 million (more than 20%) of US exports of textiles and apparel to Mexico will be eliminated immediately, with another $700 million freed from restrictions within 6 years. All North American trade restrictions will be eliminated within 10 years, and tough rules of origin will ensure that benefits of trade liberalization accrue to North American producers. Increased Trade in Agriculture. Mexico imported $3 billion worth of US agricultural goods last year, making it the United States' third-largest market. NAFTA will immediately eliminate Mexican import licenses, which covered 25% of US agricultural exports last year, and will phase out remaining Mexican tariffs within 10-15 years. Expanded Trade in Financial Services. Mexico's closed financial services markets will be opened, and US banks and securities firms will be allowed to establish wholly owned subsidiaries. Transitional restrictions will be phased out by January 1, 2000. New Opportunities in Insurance. US firms will gain major new opportunities in the Mexican market; firms with existing joint ventures will be permitted to obtain 100% ownership by 1996, and new entrants to the market can obtain a majority stake in Mexican firms by 1998. By 2000, all equity and market share restrictions will be eliminated, opening up completely what is now a $3.5 billion market. Increased Investment. Mexican "domestic content" rules will be eliminated, permitting additional sourcing of US inputs, and, for the first time, US firms operating in Mexico will receive the same treatment as Mexican- owned firms. Mexico has agreed to drop export performance requirements, which currently force companies to export as a condition of being allowed to invest. Land Transportation. More then 90% of US trade with Mexico is shipped by land, but US truckers currently are denied the right to carry cargo or set up subsidiaries in Mexico, forcing them to "hand off" trailers to Mexican drivers and return home empty. NAFTA will permit US trucking companies to carry international cargo to the Mexican states contiguous to the United States by 1995 and gives them cross-border access to all of Mexico by the end of 1999. US railroads will be able to provide their services in Mexico, and US companies can invest in and operate land-side port services. The combination of truck, rail, and port breakthroughs will help create an efficient, intermodal North American transport system. Protection of Intellectual Property Rights. NAFTA will provide a higher level of protection for intellectual property rights than any other bilateral or multilateral agreement. US high technology, entertainment, and consumer goods producers that rely heavily on protection for their patents, copyrights, and trademarks will realize substantial gains under NAFTA. The agreement will also limit compulsory licensing, resolving an important concern with Canada. The objective of NAFTA is to open markets. It is not designed to create a closed regional trading bloc and erects no new barriers to non-participants. NAFTA is fully consistent with GATT criteria for free trade agreements and with US support for strengthening the multilateral trading system in the Uruguay Round.
Economic Studies
At the request of the Office of the US Trade Representative, the US International Trade Commission [USITC] surveyed and evaluated the various economic analyses of NAFTA. In May of this year, the USITC reported that "(T)here is a surprising degree of unanimity in the results regarding the aggregate effects of NAFTA. All three countries are expected to gain from a NAFTA." These independent studies found that NAFTA would increase US growth, jobs, and wages. They found that NAFTA would increase US real GDP by up to 0.5% per year once it is fully implemented. They projected aggregate US employment increases ranging from under 0.1% to 2.5%. The studies further project aggregate increases in US real wages of between 0.1% and 0.3%. US exports to Mexico support more than 600,000 American jobs. The Institute for International Economics recently estimated this figure will rise to more than 1 million by 1995 under NAFTA.
Environment, Labor, and Adjustment Issues
In a May 1, 1991, letter to the Congress, the President described actions that the Administration would implement to address concerns regarding the impact of free trade on the environment, labor rights, and worker adjustment programs. Environment. The Administration has moved forward with a comprehensive bilateral environmental agenda to allay concerns that free trade could undermine US environmental and food safety regulations or lead to environmental degradation on the US-Mexico border. During the last year, substantial progress has been made. High- lights include the following: -- Standards--NAFTA allows the United States to maintain its stringent environmental, health, and safety standards. It allows states and localities to enact tougher standards based on sound science. It encourages "upward harmonization" of national standards and regulations and prohibits the lowering of standards to attract investment. -- Integrated Border Plan--In February 1992, the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and its Mexican counterpart (SEDUSOL) completed a comprehensive plan for addressing air, soil, water, and hazardous waste problems in the border area. Agreement has been reached on measures to implement the first stage of the plan covering the period 1992-94. -- Border Infrastructure--The President has proposed a 70% increase in the budget for border environmental projects to $241 million for FY 1993, including $75 million for the colonias (unincorporated communities on the US side of the border that often lack effective sanitation services and running water) and more than $120 million for border wastewater treatment plants. -- Border Plan/FY 1993 Appropriations--To date, in the FY 1993 appropriations process, the House of Representatives has refused to fund the $50 million EPA request for the colonias and [has] cut the Administration's $65-million request for a Tijuana-San Diego sewage treatment plant to $32 million. For its part, the Senate failed to fund $120 million of the requested funds for border wastewater treatment. The President has called upon Congress to reverse these cuts. -- Environmental Conference--On September 17, 1992, EPA Administrator William Reilly will host a trilateral meeting with the Canadian and Mexican environmental ministers in Washington, DC, to discuss environmental aspects of NAFTA. Worker Rights. Mexico has a comprehensive labor law that provides workers with extensive legal rights. The economic benefits of NAFTA will provide Mexico with resources to move forward with vigorous enforcement initiatives launched by the Salinas Administration. -- Labor Cooperation--The US Department of Labor has negotiated a 5-year memorandum of understanding (MOU) to strengthen bilateral cooperation with respect to occupational health and safety standards, child labor, labor statistics, worker rights, labor management relations, and workplace training. Several joint MOU initiatives are now underway. Safeguards. President Bush committed that NAFTA would contain measures to ease the transition for import-sensitive US industries. For our sensitive sectors, tariffs will be phased out in 10 years, with particularly sensitive sectors having a transition of up to 15 years. In addition, NAFTA contains "safeguard" procedures that will allow the United States to reimpose tariffs in the event of injurious import surges. Worker Adjustment. Dislocations in the United States are likely to be minimal, since US trade barriers are already quite low. Nonetheless, during the fast-track debate, the President promised that dislocated US workers will receive timely, comprehensive, and effective services and retraining-- whether through improvement or expansion of an existing program or creation of a new program. The Administration has already begun consulting with the relevant congressional committees regarding adjustment services for displaced workers.
Next Steps
The timing of congressional consideration is governed by the fast-track procedures, which require the President to notify the Congress of his intent to enter into the agreement at least 90 days before it is signed. Although today's announcement reflects the completion of negotiations, the draft text probably will not be finished until September, since further legal drafting and review are required to implement the understandings reached by the negotiators. After the agreement is signed, legislation must be prepared to implement it, including any necessary changes to US law. Under the fast-track, the NAFTA will not go into effect until the Congress has approved the implementing legislation on an up-or-down vote. The approval process must occur within a specified time--90 "session" days of Congress. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992 Title:

US-Israeli Relations

Bush Rabin Source: President Bush, Israeli Prime Minister Rabin Description: Excerpts from remarks at a press conference, Kennebunkport, Maine Date: Aug, 12 19928/12/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: MidEast/North Africa Country: Israel, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Ethiopia, USSR (former) Subject: Mideast Peace Process [TEXT]
President Bush:
I've just spent the best part of the past 24 hours with Prime Minister Rabin, and it has been a true pleasure for Barbara and me to spend this time with the Prime Minister and Mrs. Rabin. We've known them for many years. As a matter of fact, we're charter members of the former Ambassadors' Club, and we could not be happier than to have them visit us here at Kennebunkport, this very special place for me and for my family. Before I say some more about my hours of conversation with the Prime Minister, I want to take this opportunity to say a few things about the relationship between the United States and Israel. This is a relation-ship that goes back more than 4 decades to Israel's birth in 1948. And this is a relationship that's been tested in times of peace and war; one capable not only of weathering differences, but of accomplishing great things. This is a relationship based on a shared commitment to democracy and to common values, as well as the solid commitment to Israel's security, including its qualitative military edge. This is a special relationship. It is one that is built to endure. Now, we reviewed a great many issues, often in considerable depth, and I want to begin with the peace process. I will let the Prime Minister obviously speak for himself, but I do not think he would object to my saying that we agree 100% that our goal goes beyond that of ending the state of war. What we seek is real peace, codified by treaties, [and] characterized by reconciliation and openness, including trade and tourism. And it must be comprehensive peace on all fronts, grounded in UN Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, borne of direct negotiations. Two weeks from now in Washington, representatives of Israel, along with those of the Palestinians, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon, will resume direct negotiations launched in Madrid last October. And I am optimistic that these talks are about to enter a new, more productive phase. Prime Minister Rabin has persuaded me that Israel's new government is committed to making these talks succeed. And I call upon the Arab parties to respond in kind. The time has come to make peace, not simply talk of it. We also spent time discussing the region at large. It is tragic that so much of the history of the Middle East is measured by wars. It's a crime to waste so much of the area's resources--human and material alike--in preparing for wars or waging them. And it is time these resources were committed to meeting the needs of people. We thus committed ourselves to work to stem the proliferation of conventional arms as well as weapons of mass destruction. And we agreed to work together on behalf of the multilateral process begun in Moscow earlier this year to promote progress between Israel and her neighbors on issues ranging from water, the environment, economic development, to refugees and security. The Prime Minister and I focused as well on the international situation, and we agreed that the world must seize the historic opportunity created by reform in Russia and the other newly independent states. We agreed, too, that the world must act to bring to an end this humanitarian nightmare that now exists in what was Yugoslavia. The Prime Minister and I also devoted a good deal of time to bilateral issues. And let me say that it's a source of considerable satisfaction to me to look back on all that has been accomplished just over the last few years. With the assistance of the United States, Israel has been able to take major strides in breaking out of its diplomatic isolation. Israel no longer is stigmatized so unfairly by a UN resolution equating Zionism with racism. Literally hundreds of thousands of Jews from Ethiopia and from the former Soviet Union now make their homes in Israel, and this, more than anything else, is what the Jewish state is all about. And in this regard, I am extremely pleased to announce that we were able to reach agreement on the basic principles to govern the granting of up to $10 billion in loan guarantees. I've long been committed to supporting Israel in the historic task of absorbing immigrants, and I'm delighted that the Prime Minister and I have agreed to an approach which will assist these new Israelis without frustrating the search for peace. We can thus pursue these two humanitarian goals at one and the same time. And I look forward to sitting down with the congressional leadership and recommending to them that Congress take swift action on authorizing up to $10 billion in loan guarantees to facilitate Israeli absorption of immigrants. Together with the economic reforms the new Israeli Government is committed to, I am confident that these loan guarantees can make a considerable contribution--a critical contribution--to Israel's future. And I would hope that other governments with the means to do so would also consider extending loan guarantees for this purpose. I'd like to say one more thing about my time with the Prime Minister. The meetings were important for what we discussed, but they were also significant for the tone of the discussions. Our time together can best be described as a consultation between close friends and strategic partners, one characterized by trust, warmth, and a commitment to meeting these common challenges. And this is strategic coop-eration at its very best. And so, again, let me just end these remarks by saying how much we've enjoyed having the Rabins visit us at our home here and now, speaking for all Americans, how much we hope the Prime Minister and his wife will be regular visitors to the United States of America.
Prime Minister Rabin:
...Mr. President, let me first thank you wholeheartedly for the kind and warm hospitality bestowed by Mrs. Bush and yourself on my wife and me, as well as our colleagues. It has been a real pleasure to spend with you, with Secretary Baker, General Scowcroft, and your other colleagues this highly pleasant day. We really appreciate it. I would also like to thank you for your kind words this morning. Our exchange of views here included a great number of subjects, both of general character, dealing with international issues and concerns, [and] specific bilateral matters. It was done in a constructive and friendly atmosphere for which we are grateful. I would like to allude, first, to the human tragedy in Bosnia. We, the Jewish people, having suffered persecution throughout history, can never remain indifferent to such tragedies. The killing must stop. And I know that the United States is now making great efforts toward a solution there. We, on our part, are trying to contribute as much as we can in humanitarian aid. Let us hope that those tortured people will find peace. Mr. President, as you kindly indicated, the basis of the relationship between Israel and the United States is the unshakable foundation of shared values and hopes. Our joint commitment to democracy and to freedom stands as a permanent, solid rock on which a very special relationship is built. This relationship, which has seen occasional temporary differences . . . include[s] our strategic cooperation among other important links developed over many years. We have both reiterated our mutual desire to continue those links, facing the challenges that lie ahead. Mr. President, we live through troubled times, reflected also in our region. We have supported, since the beginning of the Gulf crisis, the United States and your policy against Saddam Hussein's brutal aggression. The strong approach taken by the United States during the war greatly contributed to the regional sense of security and made a positive contribution to Israel's security as well. We continue to support a determined policy toward still-existing dangers. We are committed together, Mr. President, to the pursuit of peace in our region. The new government in Israel, which I'm privileged to head, will do its utmost to promote the peace-making efforts begun and co-sponsored by the United States under the Madrid framework. This framework has been structured to a great extent on the basis of the Camp David accords and took into consideration many of Israel's desires. On our part, we shall do our best to inject new momentum to the negotiations, both in the bilateral and the multilateral spheres. We shall do so as much as we can on a continued basis while, of course, scrupulously preserving Israel's security against all threats. We will be glad to attend the coming round of the bilateral negotiations in Washington later this month and through much of the next months. We look forward to fruitful negotiations with the Jordanian-Palestinian delegation as well as with the Syrian and the Lebanese delegation. It is our hope that our counterparts will share our goodwill and openness. The chances for a better, peaceful future are there. Let us all take advantage of them. We also look forward to the multilateral negotiation starting anew in September. Mr. President, I would like on behalf of my country to express to the United States and to you, personally, our gratitude for your support to opening the gates of the former Soviet Union and Ethiopia for the immigration of our brethren who so wished to [go to] their homeland, Israel. This role will not be forgotten. In the same spirit, the United States has supported the idea of absorption of these immigrants, enabling them to achieve appropriate housing and employment and rebuild their lives. Your decision now to submit to the Congress a proposed legislation concerning the loan guarantees is a significant step in this direction. We, on our part, are determined to improve our national security toward [a] more efficient and privatized system for this and other goals that must be achieved. We have also announced in the basic guidelines of our government a change in the national priorities toward this direction. We shall also carry as much as possible of the burden--of the financial burden of the guarantees so as to lessen any cost to the American taxpayer. But your readiness to extend it following our discussions means a lot to me and to Israel. And again, thank you very much. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992 Title:

US Humanitarian Assistance To Bosnia- Hercegovina

Bush Source: President Bush Description: Statement released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC Date: Aug, 13 19928/13/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: E/C Europe Country: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia-Montenegro, Yugoslavia (former), Croatia Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Human Rights, United Nations [TEXT] Last week, the United States proposed that the UN Security Council authorize all measures necessary to see to it that humanitarian aid is delivered to the citizens of Bosnia. I welcome today's vote approving a resolution which does just that. The United States worked hard for this result. The international community has served notice that the innocent people caught in this conflict will not be denied the means to survive. Our hope is to be able to maintain and broaden the relief effort through cooperation, not only with our partners--the responsible relief agencies and the United Nations--but also with the parties to the conflict. I call on the authorities in Belgrade, the leadership of the Bosnian Serbs, and the Governments of Bosnia and Croatia to give their full cooperation to this effort. For all concerned, this is surely the preferred way of getting help to hundreds of thousands of victims. The international community must be able to reach people trapped by the fighting. All parties should facilitate immediate and safe access for international teams to visit cities and areas under siege in order to assess conditions and relief requirements. We expect full cooperation. We moved urgently to gain access to all camps, prisons, and detention centers, as today's UN resolution demands. As a result of the emergency meeting of the UN Human Rights Commission going on right now, we expect international inspectors to have unimpeded and continuous access to all possible camps or centers. Any brutality must be exposed and terminated and the practitioners held personally accountable for their crimes. The UN Security Council today also has passed a resolution proposed by the United States to put war criminals on notice that they will be brought to justice. We seek and expect the full cooperation of all the parties in uncovering the facts, identifying those responsible, and bringing an end to acts of barbarism. The United States also has taken action on the other initiatives I presented on August 6. Measures to inhibit a spillover of the conflict are moving ahead, and we are pressing for agreement in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe on our proposal to put monitors in other parts of the former Yugoslavia to discourage human rights abuses and violence. We also are tightening the economic sanctions imposed by the United Nations on Serbia. Those responsible for aggression also are responsible for the damage being done to the Serbian economy by the sanctions. Finally, I am pleased at the strong bipartisan concern and support we have received as we grapple with this very complex, very agonizing, and very dangerous conflict. I would also like to praise those journalists who risk their lives in the cause of reporting this terrible conflict. We are all shocked and saddened to learn that one of the latest casualties is ABC producer David Kaplan. Today's UN vote marks an important milestone in our response to this human tragedy. We will continue to work with the international community to end the violence and relieve the suffering. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992 Title:

Unspeakable Savagery In Former Yugoslavia

Bolton Source: John R. Bolton, Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs Description: Address before a special session of the UN Human Rights Commission, Geneva, Switzerland Date: Aug, 13 19928/13/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: E/C Europe Country: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia-Montenegro, Yugoslavia (former), Croatia Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Human Rights, United Nations [TEXT] The United States of America requested this unprecedented extraordinary session of the UN Human Rights Commission because, along with many others, we are appalled at the unspeakable, immoral savagery being unleashed upon the citizens of what used to be Yugoslavia. Under the UN Charter, this Commission has a critical moral responsibility to turn the spotlight of international scrutiny upon the darkness in that land. We are making use of a new mechanism to convene the Commission on an emergency basis so that it can address a human rights crisis as it unfolds. That there are ongoing abuses of human rights in direct violation of international law is not in doubt. The deliberate targeting of civilians is a violation of one of the most basic tenets governing the conduct of war, set forth in a host of international treaties, covenants, and declarations which condemn--if not criminalize--these vicious acts. We have seen the carnage being wreaked upon the innocent civilian population of Bosnia as military forces vie for control in the name of ethnic supremacy. The neighbors of former Yugoslavia, as well as its several constituent republics, know all too well the campaign of expulsion being waged in wide swatches of territory, which has created the largest refugee crisis in Europe since the end of the Second World War. The policy which its perpetrators chillingly call "ethnic cleansing" is an abhorrent breach of international human rights standards, as well as the norms of civilized behavior. In recent days, we have begun to receive yet even more ominous, profoundly disturbing reports of camps where people are being systematically abused, tortured, and even executed. In the name of humanity, we must now exercise every effort to ensure that the truth sets them free. Our objectives at this session are simple and direct: -- An investigation into human rights violations in the republics of the former Yugoslavia, particularly Bosnia-Hercegovina; -- A full airing of all charges relating to abuses of human rights and violations of international law; -- We want to know who is responsible for such abuses; and -- To ensure that humanitarian organizations such as the ICRC [International Committee of the Red Cross] have immediate, unimpeded, and fully secure access to all victims of the conflict, including those held in detention. The United States believes that the most effective way to accomplish this is to appoint a Special Rapporteur with the highest credentials for impartiality and thoroughness. This Special Rapporteur, cloaked in the mandate of this Commission and acting under the authority of the United Nations, must be granted immediate and unimpeded access by all the parties to the conflict to all individuals in the former republics of Yugoslavia-- wherever they may be located--who can shed light on what is happening. After conducting an urgent first-hand investigation, he should immediately report so that we can consider further, decisive action in the United Nations as well as by the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. I stress that we do not view such a UN investigation as supplanting the efforts of other organizations, particularly those of the International Committee of the Red Cross or the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. A UN effort would complement and reinforce such other efforts now being made. The more light shed, the better. The United States has submitted a draft resolution to the Human Rights Commission which we believe should be overwhelmingly endorsed by its member governments. This resolution is evidence of the uniform repulsion felt throughout the world and the joint determination that we cannot remain idle. The speed with which this commission was convened is further proof of our deep concern and commitment. I wish to make a direct appeal to the parties in the conflict and to those who control the weapons. Nothing can come of this violence except more violence. Political gains obtained through violence can only be maintained through further violence and repression. Unquestionably, such political gains and violent territorial changes will never be recognized or sanctified by civilized persons. Any state enlarged through the bloodshed of innocent civilians is an international pariah, an outlaw state. The international community will never accept the redrawing of boundaries by force in Yugoslavia; the sooner the parties accept this fundamental fact, the sooner we can turn to peacefully resolving this crisis. To the perpetrators of the appalling acts now alleged, I say that the international community took a vow when it realized what had been committed by Nazism in Europe during the Second World War: "Never again." The Nuremberg tribunal reaffirmed the principle of individual accountability for crimes against humanity committed in the name of national or ethnic groups. The United States is fully prepared to join with others to see that individuals guilty of violations of international law and human rights principles are held strictly accountable. We have proposed in the United Nations a "war crimes" resolution to ensure this accountability; we want to see it adopted as soon as possible. Our century has already borne witness to the most ferocious and horrible violations of human rights. We do not now wish to see this grievous record augmented as the century draws to a close. We ask the people of Serbia- Montenegro this simple question: Do they wish to go down in history as citizens of the last fascist state in Europe? We are human beings. We recoil in horror and revulsion at the tragedy of former Yugoslavia. We have a duty to ourselves and to this UN Human Rights Commission to act now to bring the weight of the international community to bear against what is being done to the people of that benighted place, whether Muslim, Croat, Serb, or other ethnic, national, or religious group. The men of violence must be shown that there is no real, lasting alternative to peaceful negotiation to solve their differences. Nothing can excuse or justify the slaughter and misery being heaped upon the innocent people of the former Yugoslavia. The United States seeks your support for the adoption of all measures, including a full and immediate investigation, that will help protect the victims of this tragic conflict and bring it to a speedy end. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992 Title:

UN Human Rights Commission Resolution on the Former Yugoslavia

UN Source: United Nations, New York Description: UN Resolution 1992/S-1/1 Date: Aug, 14 19928/14/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: E/C Europe Country: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia-Montenegro, Yugoslavia (former), Croatia Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Human Rights, United Nations [TEXT] Resolution 1992/S-1/1 "The situation of human rights in the territory of the former Yugoslavia," adopted by the UN Commission on Human Rights, Geneva, Switzerland, (August 14, 1992) The Commission on Human Rights, Meeting in a special session, Guided by the principles embodied in the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,1 the International Covenants on Human Rights,2 the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination3 and accepted humanitarian rules, including those set out in the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 19494 for the protection of war victims and the Additional Protocols thereto of 1977,5 Guided also by the need to implement the principles set out in the aforementioned instruments, Aware of its responsibility to promote and encourage respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, and resolved to remain vigilant with regard to violations of human rights wherever they may occur and to prevent such violations, Appalled at the continuing reports of widespread, massive and grave violations of human rights perpetrated within the territory of the former Yugoslavia, and especially in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including reports of summary and arbitrary executions, enforced disappearances, torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, arbitrary arrest and detention, hostage-taking, lack of due process and lack of respect for the rule of law, restrictions on freedom of thought, expression and association, deliberate attacks on non-combatants, hospitals and ambulances, restrictions on access to food and health care, wanton devastation and destruction of property, and serious violations of human rights in places of detention, Expressing its particular abhorrence at the concept and practice of "ethnic cleansing" in the former Yugoslavia, and especially in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which at a minimum entails deportations and forcible mass removal or expulsion of persons from their homes in flagrant violation of their human rights, and which is aimed at the dislocation or destruction of national, ethnic, racial or religious groups, Deeply concerned that the conflict in the former Yugoslavia and deliberate violations of human rights have resulted in the creation of more than two and a half million refugees and internally displaced persons and that conditions conducive to their return in safety and dignity have not been achieved, Cognizant of the acute danger that the current conflict and its accompanying human rights abuses could spread to additional areas of the former Yugoslavia and of the need to take action to ensure that this does not occur, Noting the statement by the President of the Security Council on 4 August 1992 concerning reports of the imprisonment and abuse of civilians in camps, prisons and detention centres within the territory of the former Yugoslavia, and especially in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which demands that international organizations, and in particular the International Committee of the Red Cross, be granted immediate, unimpeded and continued access to all such places, and which calls on all parties and organizations to make available to the Council any further information they may possess, Recalling Security Council resolutions 713 (1991) of 25 September 1991, 721 (1991) of 27 November 1991, 724 (1991) of 15 December 1991, 727 (1992) of 8 January 1992, 740 (1992) of 7 February 1992, 743 (1992) of 21 February 1992, 749 (1992) of 7 April 1992, 752 (1992) of 15 May 1992, 757 (1992) of 30 May 1992, 758 (1992) of 8 June 1992, 760 (1992) of 18 June 1992, 761 (1992) of 29 June 1992, 762 (1992) of 30 June 1992, 764 (1992) of 13 July 1992, 769 (1992) of 7 August 1992 and 770 (1992) of 13 August 1992, Recalling that the former Yugoslavia was a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,2 the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,2 the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide,6 the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment,7 and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination,3 Welcoming efforts by the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe to investigate reports of serious violations of fundamental human rights in the territory of the former Yugoslavia, and welcoming also the interest of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, Noting the statements by parties in the former Yugoslavia expressing their willingness to cooperate with international observers, Noting also the resolution adopted by the Subcommission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities on 13 August 1992, which is annexed to the present resolution, 1. Condemns in the strongest terms all violations of human rights within the territory of the former Yugoslavia, and especially in Bosnia and Herze- govina, and calls upon all parties to cease these violations immediately and to take all necessary steps to ensure full respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and humanitarian law; 2. Condemns absolutely the concept and practice of "ethnic cleansing"; 3. Expresses its alarm at all repressive policies and practices directed against members of particular ethnic groups, and also calls upon all parties to ensure the protection of the rights of persons belonging to national or ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities; 4. Calls upon all parties to release immediately all persons arbitrarily arrested or detained; 5. Demands that the International Committee of the Red Cross be granted immediate, unimpeded and continued access to all camps, prisons and other places of detention within the territory of the former Yugoslavia and that all parties ensure complete safety and freedom of movement for the International Committee of the Red Cross and otherwise facilitate such access; 6. Also demands that all parties in the former Yugoslavia extend full cooperation and protection to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and her staff, and to other international humanitarian organizations and relief workers, in carrying out their efforts to assist refugees and displaced persons in the former Yugoslavia; 7. Calls upon all parties in the former Yugoslavia to cease immediately the human rights violations that have produced refugees and displaced persons and to promote and ensure conditions conducive to their return to their homes in safety and dignity; 8. Affirms the absolute necessity of ensuring access for humanitarian assistance to those in need; 9. Reminds all parties that they are bound to comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law, and in particular the Third Geneva Convention relating to the treatment of prisoners of war and the Fourth Geneva Convention relating to the protection of civilian persons in time of war, of 12 August 1949,8 and the Additional Protocols of 1977 thereto,5 and that persons who commit or order the commission of grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions or their Additional Protocols are individually responsible in respect of such breaches; 10. Calls on all parties in the former Yugoslavia to fulfil their obligations under the provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,2 the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,2 the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide,6 the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment7 and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination;3 11. Affirms that States are to be held accountable for violations of human rights which their agents commit upon the territory of another State; 12. Requests its Chairman to appoint a special rapporteur to investigate first-hand the human rights situation in the territory of the former Yugoslavia, in particular within Bosnia and Herzegovina, and to receive relevant, credible information on the human rights situation there from Governments, individuals, intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations, on a continuing basis, and to avail himself or herself of the assistance of existing mechanisms of the Commission on Human Rights; 13. Requests the existing mechanisms of the Commission on Human Rights, in particular the Special Rapporteur on torture, the Special Rapporteur on summary or arbitrary executions, the representative of the Secretary- General on internally displaced persons and the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, to give urgent attention to the situation in the former Yugoslavia and to provide, on a continuing basis, their full cooperation, assistance and findings to the Special Rapporteur, and to accompany the Special Rapporteur in visiting the former Yugoslavia if he or she should so request; 14. Requests the Special Rapporteur to visit areas of interest in the former Yugoslavia, and in particular Bosnia and Herzegovina, forthwith and to report on an urgent basis to the members of the Commission on Human Rights, providing a preliminary report not later than 28 August 1992 on the situation of human rights in the former Yugoslavia, including his or her recommendations for bringing violations to an end and preventing future violations, and requests the Secretary- General to make the report of the Special Rapporteur available also to the Security Council; 15. Also requests the Special Rapporteur to report his or her findings and recommendations to the members of the Commission on Human Rights periodically thereafter until its next regular session, and to report to the General Assembly at its forty-seventh session, as well as to the Commission on Human Rights at its next regular session, under agenda item 12, and requests the Secretary-General to make the reports of the Special Rapporteur available also to the Security Council; 16. Further requests the Special Rapporteur to gather and compile systematically information on possible violations of human rights in the territory of the former Yugoslavia, including those which may constitute war crimes, and to make this information available to the Secretary- General, and notes that such information could be of possible future use in prosecuting violators of international humanitarian law; 17. Requests the Secretary-General to provide all necessary assistance to the Special Rapporteur to fulfil his or her mandate; 18. Requests all United Nations bodies and the specialized agencies, and invites Governments and informed intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations, to provide the Special Rapporteur, through the Centre for Human Rights, on a continuing basis, with all relevant and accurate information in their possession on the situation of human rights in the former Yugoslavia; 19. Demands that all parties in the territory of the former Yugoslavia cooperate fully with the Special Rapporteur in the implementation of the present resolution; 20. Requests the Special Rapporteur to take into account and seek to complement the efforts being undertaken by the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe with respect to the crisis in the former Yugoslavia; 21. Decides to remain seized of the issues. Annex The Subcommission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, Meeting at its forty-fourth session, Noting the convening of the special session on the former Yugoslavia of the Commission on Human Rights, Taking into account that the right to life and other fundamental human rights are being extensively violated in the former Yugoslavia, Conscious that the protection of different ethnic and religious groups is at the core of the mandate of the Subcommission, 1. Expresses its horror at and its total and unqualified condemnation of policies of so-called "ethnic cleansing", which in the former Yugoslavia has generated vast displacements of people and large flows of refugees of the different ethnic groups, and in Bosnia and Herzegovina has affected, in particular, the Muslim population; 2. Also expresses its deep concern at the existence of detention centres and allegations of serious human rights violations in those centres; 3. Demands: (a) That steps be taken on an urgent basis to stop the massive violations of the right to life and other human rights; (b) That the policies and practices of so-called "ethnic cleansing" be immediately brought to an end; (c) That displaced people be given the opportunity to return to their homes and that their safety be ensured; (d) That full reparation be made for losses suffered as a result of the displacement; (e) That those responsible for the commission of crimes against peace and humanity and for war crimes be brought to justice and that steps be taken as a matter of urgency to this end. Approved by consensus. 1 General Assembly resolution 217 A (III). 2 General Assembly resolution 2200 A (XXI), annex. 3 General Assembly resolution 2106 A (XX), annex. 4 United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, Nos. 970-973. 5 Ibid., vol. 1125, Nos. 17512 and 17513. 6 General Assembly resolution 260 A (III), annex. 7 General Assembly resolution 39/46, annex. 8 United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, Nos. 972 and 973. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992 Title:

US Appalled by Continuing Situation in Bosnia- Hercegovina

Perkins Source: Edward J. Perkins, US Permanent Representative to the United Nations Description: Address before the UN Security Council, New York City Date: Aug, 13 19928/13/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: E/C Europe Country: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia-Montenegro, Yugoslavia (former) Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Human Rights, United Nations [TEXT] My government is appalled by the continuing deterioration of the situation in Bosnia-Hercegovina. The destruction of villages, executions, and indiscriminate killings continue apace. Belgrade's vile policy of "ethnic cleansing"--actually ethnic extermination--is only intensifying. We are witnessing some of the most egregious abuses of human rights that Europe has seen since World War II, symbolized by the "ethnic cleansing" being conducted against the innocent victims of this tragedy. The frustration of UN efforts to get food and medicine to the people of Bosnia-Hercegovina and the massive starvation and spreading health care nightmare has prompted the Government of Bosnia-Hercegovina to call upon the world community to take all necessary measures to ensure the delivery of humanitarian assistance there. My government has made it clear that we believe the world community should do everything necessary, in response to Bosnia-Hercegovina's call, to ensure the delivery of assistance to the needy there. We stand fully prepared to do our part in achieving this goal. The [UN] Security Council has demonstrated today that it, too, shares the belief that the provision of humanitarian assistance not only is an urgent humanitarian concern, but [that] it is also an important element of the effort to restore peace and security in the region. The Security Council also demanded that barbaric human rights violations must stop. I wish to emphasize that a conquest of territory will not be tolerated by the international community. The Council has also addressed, today, the most troubling of the many disturbing accounts that are currently coming out of the former Yugoslavia. We have seen and read reports of detention centers, which have shocked the world. A recent report of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) underscores this. I wish to quote a relevant paragraph from that report. Following the visits its delegates have conducted during the last few days to places of detention in Bosnia-Hercegovina, it is evident to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) that innocent civilians are being arrested and subjected to inhumane treatment. Moreover, the detention of such persons is part of a policy of forced population transfers carried out on a massive scale and marked by the systematic use of brutality. Among the long list of methods used are harassment, murder, confiscation of property, deportation and the taking of hostages--which reduce individuals to the level of bargaining counters--all in violation of international humanitarian law. Whether individual facilities house 5 or 5,000, whether they are controlled by the government or local forces, the governments and individuals involved must be held to account for the treatment of all those detained, civilians and military alike. The international community demands to know the truth behind these camps and to see that any and all abuses are brought to an end. As long as human suffering continues inside Bosnia-Hercegovina, the world will stand ready to act to alleviate that suffering. Another paragraph from the ICRC report is relevant. I quote: ICRC delegates have had only limited access to the republic's various regions and, despite repeated approaches made in this respect, they have still not received comprehensive lists of places of detention controlled by the various parties to the conflict or been notified of persons captured, and are thus unable to bring help to all the victims. The ICRC has had access to only a very limited number of prisoners of war, while the places of detention are crowded with innocent and terrified civilians. My government views leadership by the United Nations as key to resolving the humanitarian problems in Bosnia-Hercegovina. We believe that a continued UN presence there is indispensable. We are ready to work with the Secretary General and our international partners to take the steps necessary to make that presence fully effective. Finally, my government makes a special appeal to all parties to the conflict to end the massacre that is taking place in Bosnia-Hercegovina and to cooperate with all humanitarian relief efforts. We strongly urge all sides to work together through the Conference on Yugoslavia to find a negotiated settlement to this unfortunate crisis. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992 Title:

UN Security Council Resolutions 770 and 771

UN Source: UN Security Council, United Nations, New York City Date: Aug, 13 19928/13/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: E/C Europe Country: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia-Montenegro, Yugoslavia (former), Croatia Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Human Rights, United Nations [TEXT] Resolution 770 (August 13, 1992) The Security Council, Reaffirming its resolutions 713 (1991) of 25 September 1991, 721 (1991) of 27 November 1991, 724 (1991) of 15 December 1991, 727 (1992) of 8 January 1992, 740 (1992) of 7 February 1992, 743 (1992) of 21 February 1992, 749 (1992) of 7 April 1992, 752 (1992) of 15 May 1992, 757 (1992) of 30 May 1992, 758 (1992) of 8 June 1992, 760 (1992) of 18 June 1992, 761 (1992) of 29 June 1992, 762 (1992) of 30 June 1992, 764 (1992) of 13 July 1992 and 769 (1992) of 7 August 1992, Noting the letter dated 10 August 1992 from the Permanent Representative of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the United Nations (S/24401), Underlining once again the imperative need for an urgent negotiated political solution to the situation in the Republic of Bosnia and Herze- govina to enable that country to live in peace and security within its borders, Reaffirming the need to respect the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Recognizing that the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina constitutes a threat to international peace and security and that the provision of humanitarian assistance in Bosnia and Herzegovina is an important element in the Council's effort to restore international peace and security in the area, Commending the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) for its continuing action in support of the relief operation in Sarajevo and other parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Deeply disturbed by the situation that now prevails in Sarajevo, which has severely complicated UNPROFOR's efforts to fulfil its mandate to ensure the security and functioning of Sarajevo airport and the delivery of humanitarian assistance in Sarajevo and other parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina pursuant to resolutions 743 (1992), 749 (1992), 761 (1992) and 764 (1992) and the reports of the Secretary-General cited therein, Dismayed by the continuation of conditions that impede the delivery of humanitarian supplies to destinations within Bosnia and Herzegovina and the consequent suffering of the people of that country, Deeply concerned by reports of abuses against civilians imprisoned in camps, prisons and detention centres, Determined to establish as soon as possible the necessary conditions for the delivery of humanitarian assistance wherever needed in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in conformity with resolution 764 (1992), Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, 1. Reaffirms its demand that all parties and others concerned in Bosnia and Herzegovina stop the fighting immediately; 2. Calls upon States to take nationally or through regional agencies or arrangements all measures necessary to facilitate in coordination with the United Nations the delivery by relevant United Nations humanitarian organizations and others of humanitarian assistance to Sarajevo and wherever needed in other parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina; 3. Demands that unimpeded and continuous access to all camps, prisons and detention centres be granted immediately to the International Committee of the Red Cross and other relevant humanitarian organizations and that all detainees therein receive humane treatment, including adequate food, shelter and medical care; 4. Calls upon States to report to the Secretary-General on measures they are taking in coordination with the United Nations to carry out this resolution, and invites the Secretary-General to keep under continuous review any further measures that may be necessary to ensure unimpeded delivery of humanitarian supplies; 5. Requests all States to provide appropriate support for the actions undertaken in pursuance of this resolution; 6. Demands that all parties and others concerned take the necessary measures to ensure the safety of United Nations and other personnel engaged in the delivery of humanitarian assistance; 7. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the Council on a periodic basis on the implementation of this resolution; 8. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter. VOTE: 12 in favor; none opposed; 3 abstentions (China, India, Zimbabwe). Resolution 771 (August 13, 1992 ) The Security Council, Reaffirming its resolutions 713 (1991) of 25 September 1991, 721 (1991) of 27 November 1991, 724 (1991) of 15 December 1991, 727 (1992) of 8 January 1992, 740 (1992) of 7 February 1992, 743 (1992) of 21 February 1992, 749 (1992) of 7 April 1992, 752 (1992) of 15 May 1992, 757 (1992) of 30 May 1992, 758 (1992) of 8 June 1992, 760 (1992) of 18 June 1992, 761 (1992) of 29 June 1992, 762 (1992) of 30 June 1992, 764 (1992) of 13 July 1992, 769 (1992) of 7 August 1992 and 770 (1992) of 13 August 1992, Noting the letter dated 10 August 1992 from the Permanent Representative of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the United Nations (S/24401), Expressing grave alarm at continuing reports of widespread violations of international humanitarian law occurring within the territory of the former Yugoslavia and especially in Bosnia and Herzegovina including reports of mass forcible expulsion and deportation of civilians, imprisonment and abuse of civilians in detention centres, deliberate attacks on non- combatants, hospitals and ambulances, impeding the delivery of food and medical supplies to the civilian population, and wanton devastation and destruction of property, Recalling the statement of the President of the Council of 4 August 1992 (S/24378), 1. Reaffirms that all parties to the conflict are bound to comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law and in particular the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and that persons who commit or order the commission of grave breaches of the Conventions are individually responsible in respect of such breaches; 2. Strongly condemns any violations of international humanitarian law, including those involved in the practice of "ethnic cleansing"; 3. Demands that all parties and others concerned in the former Yugoslavia, and all military forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina, immediately cease and desist from all breaches of international humanitarian law including from actions such as those described above; 4. Further demands that relevant international humanitarian organizations, and in particular the International Committee of the Red Cross, be granted immediate, unimpeded and continued access to camps, prisons and detention centres within the territory of the former Yugoslavia and calls upon all parties to do all in their power to facilitate such access; 5. Calls upon States and, as appropriate, international humanitarian organizations to collate substantiated information in their possession or submitted to them relating to the violations of humanitarian law, including grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions, being committed in the territory of the former Yugoslavia and to make this information available to the Council; 6. Requests the Secretary-General to collate the information submitted to the Council under paragraph 5 and to submit a report to the Council summarizing the information and recommending additional measures that might be appropriate in response to the information; 7. Decides, acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, that all parties and others concerned in the former Yugoslavia, and all military forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina, shall comply with the provisions of the present resolution, failing which the Council will need to take further measures under the Charter; 8. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter. VOTE: Unanimous (15-0). (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992 Title:

US Position and Proposed Actions Concerning the Yugoslav Crisis

Niles Source: Thomas M.T. Niles, Assistant Secretary for European and Canadian Affairs Description: Statement before the Senate Armed Services Committee, Washington, DC Date: Aug, 11 19928/11/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: E/C Europe Country: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia-Montenegro, Yugoslavia (former), Croatia Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Human Rights, United Nations [TEXT] Mr. Chairman, now more than 1 year old, the Yugoslav crisis has come to dominate foreign policy news. The images and the reporting from that unhappy land remind us of past tragedies in Europe and pose serious questions about the nature of post-Cold War Europe. From the outset of the crisis, in June 1991, the United States has taken a leading role in seeking to find a peaceful solution while deterring Serbian aggression and providing urgently needed humanitarian relief. Today, I would like briefly to review our position and outline the actions we propose to take, particularly as regards the humanitarian nightmare in Bosnia- Hercegovina. In his August 6 statement, the President laid out a six-point program which we are following. -- We are working, through a new UNSC [UN Security Council] resolution, to ensure, through the use of all necessary means, the delivery of humanitarian aid and the opening of any and all detention centers to international inspection and the guarantee of proper treatment, medical care, and nourishment of those detained. -- We are establishing immediately full diplomatic relations with Bosnia- Hercegovina, Croatia, and Slovenia, further to support their governments. -- We are working with the international community to place monitors in neighboring states to help assure strict compliance with the UN sanctions against Serbia-Montenegro. -- We are engaging in preventative diplomacy to preclude the conflict from spreading into Kosovo, Vojvodina, the Sandzak area, or Macedonia. -- We are proposing that the international community place monitors in neighboring states to limit the risk of the conflict spreading. -- And we are consulting with our allies in NATO on all aspects of the crisis and how NATO might be of assistance to the United Nations. Our experience over the past year has shown that none of this will be easy. The determination of [Serbian] President Milosevic to create "greater Serbia," despite the cost in lives and property and the devastation of Serbia's economy, poses an enormous challenge to the international community. We must be firm in our refusal to accept the results of the Serbian aggression and, working with our allies, stand for the rule of law and respect for human rights. Delivering humanitarian aid to the people of Bosnia-Hercegovina is proving to be a major challenge. Fighting continues to disrupt aid deliveries. On August 4, UNPROFOR [UN Protective Force] had to shut down the Sarajevo airlift because of heavy fighting. Fortunately, it reopened on August 8, but no one can predict when renewed fighting will force it to close again. On August 5, UNPROFOR had to halt a land convoy on the outskirts of Sarajevo because of security concerns--this was only the second sizeable convoy attempted recently. And we have seen repeated, failed attempts to get international aid to Gorazde and other besieged Bosnian cities. As we plan ahead--and we must--we see winter coming: a further serious complication with as many as 2 million refugees on the move in former Yugoslavia. Many of the land routes we would like to use now--but can't because of fighting--will, in addition, be blocked by snow. Many refugees who can survive outdoors today cannot survive in freezing temperatures, which start about November, so there is considerable urgency in this situation. Because of continued fighting now, because the conditions for aid delivery may worsen, and because we know we will face enormous problems from the weather, we need to be prepared for the worst contingencies. Obviously, we hope that conditions can be created to enable us to deliver humanitarian supplies without the use of force. However, our experience to date indicates that more may be needed to demonstrate the determination of the world community to aid the people of Bosnia in this difficult time. Thus, as President Bush a nnounced August 6, we are working with our allies and other members of the UN Security Council to secure a new UN Security Council resolution which would authorize the use of all necessary measures to deliver humanitarian aid. We hope we will obtain a consensus quickly which will allow us to proceed with the necessary planning and deliveries. We are also seeking as part of that resolution a demand for access to any and all detention centers in the former Yugoslavia by the ICRC [International Committee of the Red Cross] and other neutral humanitarian organizations. As a matter of principle, it is absolutely vital to reveal the truth. And this applies equally to all sides. The Serbs, again, appear to be the primary, but probably not the sole, abusers. This is part of a consistent pattern of Serbian abuses of the human rights of other groups, whether in Kosovo, in Croatia, or in Bosnia. On August 4, we proposed and we obtained a statement by the President of the Security Council which endorsed our demand for access to all detention facilities and reminded those involved that they may well be held individually responsible for breaches of the Geneva Conventions. Adoption of the proposed resolution would strengthen that demand. In dealing with these urgent problems, we need to use every means available. Thus, [on] Wednesday, we called for an emergency extraordinary meeting of the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva to look at our intelligence, to discuss the gross human rights violations, and to strengthen our demands for access to the camps. We expect this meeting, which is scheduled for August 14, to produce concrete steps. We have also called on the CSCE [Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe] to invoke the appropriate measure of the CSCE Human Dimension Mechanism and on the CSCE Committee of Senior Officers to hold an emergency meeting on the Bosnian crisis, and we hope a meeting will take place this week. Both of these would expedite the process of looking into the situation. The approval of these proposals, in particular the Security Council resolution announced by President Bush on August 6, would represent a significant escalation of the pressure against the Milosevic regime. We hope that the message of the international community will break through to the people of Serbia. As President Bush made clear, we do not want--and I am certain you do not want--to be forced to join our allies in using military force to deliver humanitarian supplies to suffering people of Bosnia- Hercegovina. I want to underscore to you that this Administration will do everything in its power to achieve our objectives without using force. However, if necessary, under the conditions and for the purpose the President has stated, we are prepared to do so. Let me now review what we are doing in the various areas involved in this crisis. Humanitarian Relief. Over 2.2 million Bosnian citizens have been forcibly displaced. Half a million are outside Bosnia. The displaced are largely non- Serbs; they amount to over one-fourth of the total population of Bosnia and over 40% of Bosnia's non-Serb population. On July 29, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Mrs. Sadako Ogata, convened an international conference on the former Yugoslavia in Geneva. The conference discussed the dimensions and resource requirements associated with the relief problem and shared views on creating a framework for the treatment of the displaced. The United States has been heavily engaged in humanitarian relief and refugee aid, working through international organizations. We do not limit assistance to individual countries or regions of the former Yugoslavia but provide it for use as needed by the recipient organizations. The crisis will continue for the foreseeable future. We are currently identifying quantities of additional food, medicines, and other humanitarian assistance that can be sent to the region in the mid- and long-term. We continue to work with the G-24 [Group of 24] and multilateral organizations to assure that our efforts are well-directed and reach those most in need. The G-24 countries met July 27 in Brussels to discuss the crisis and the need for more aid to the refugees. Total G-24 contributions to date are $472 million, including $254 million in new pledges since July 1. The United States has pledged a total of $53 million. The Sarajevo airlift, when it is in operation, delivers an average of 200 metric tons per day, but this does not help Bosnians outside Sarajevo. The airlift must eventually be replaced by land convoys to reach more of these people in need. Fighting and instability have, thus far, effectively ruled out unprotected overland deliveries, however, and some besieged cities such as Gorazde and Tuzla have been cut off for months. Urgent additional efforts are clearly required. Sanctions. The international community is working further to tighten enforcement of the UN sanctions, which are having a significant impact on the economies of Serbia and Montenegro. We attribute a significant part of the recent drop in production in Serbia and Montenegro to the sanctions. Regarding monitoring, in addition to the NATO/WEU [Western European Union] monitoring effort in the Adriatic, we are pushing for a similar multilateral initiative on the Danube. We have received good support from Romania, and we are working closely with Romania to ensure full implementation of the sanctions, including the dispatch of international observers to that country. CSCE Initiatives. Following the June visit of a CSCE rapporteur mission to Kosovo, the CSCE has sent a similar mission, beginning August 2, to the Serbian regions of Sandzak and Vojvodina as well as a second visit to Kosovo. President Bush, in his August 6 statement, called for action in the CSCE to make the presence of these missions permanent, and we are following up on that aspect. The United States has taken the lead in urging the CSCE community to investigate human rights abuses in Serbia and make clear the international community's concern. As I mentioned earlier, we are pressing for a new CSCE initiative to send missions to Bosnia and Croatia to investigate abuses there. We are also considering other ways of using CSCE mechanisms to help prevent the conflict from spreading to other areas, and we will be advancing our ideas in coming days and weeks. Diplomatic Initiatives. We have made clear that Serbia and Montenegro cannot and will not be accepted into the community of nations, regardless of what they call themselves, so long as they do not reverse their aggression and barbarous behavior. We have taken the lead on this effort in the international community, and we have succeeded in gaining wide support for our position that: -- We do not accept Serbia and Montenegro as the continuation of the former Yugoslavia; -- We do not support their maintaining the former Yugoslavia's memberships in international organizations; and -- We insist they must apply as new members to such organizations while meeting all the relevant criteria for joining. We are continuing to encourage all parties to use the existing negotiating forums, in particular the EC [European Community] peace talks, to resolve the many outstanding issues that need to be addressed before peace and stability can be restored. We strongly support and plan to participate at a high level in the August 26-28 conference in London that is being convened by Britain in its capacity as [the] EC presidency country. Diplomatic Relations. We recognized the independence of Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia-Hercegovina in April. President Bush announced August 6 that we will establish full diplomatic relations with all three and open embassies in each capital as soon as possible. As far as Macedonia is concerned, we have stated repeatedly that the principles of democracy and freedom and the need for stability in the region require a rapid resolution of the outstanding issues between Greece, a friend and ally, and Macedonia. We take seriously Greece's concerns on this question. We also recognize that Macedonia has suffered severe economic hardship as a result of both sanctions and an influx of refugees. The question of recognition will not preclude us from providing humanitarian and other assistance to Macedonia. Our future relations with Serbia and Montenegro will depend on the actions taken by those in power in Belgrade. We have no quarrel with the Serbian people. We are working for concrete measures to stop the fighting and to bring this tragedy to a peaceful conclusion.
Spillover
This crisis so far has afflicted only areas within the former Yugoslavia, but there is no guarantee it will not spread further. We are particularly concerned that the formerly autonomous Serbian province of Kosovo, whose population is more than 90% Albanian, may be the next focus of violence and unrest. It was in Kosovo that the crisis began 3 years ago with Serbian revocation of Kosovo's long-standing autonomy and the beginning of massive human rights violations. Given the sensitivity of this issue in neighboring Albania, the potential for serious trouble is clear. The heavily ethnic Hungarian province of Vojvodina in northern Serbia--also formerly autonomous--is also tense, and our Hungarian friends are increasingly worried about potential spillover. In addition to the visits of the CSCE observer mission, we are pressing for the dispatch of CSCE observers to be stationed on the borders of countries neighboring Serbia.
Conclusion
We have taken a series of strong and measured steps intended to exert the influence and pressure available to us and to make clear, in concert with the international community, our total condemnation of what has occurred and our view that Belgrade is overwhelmingly responsible for it. We will do our utmost with the assets we have to change the situation, in particular through changes in Belgrade. For, ultimately, this crisis will end only when the Serbian people act on the realization that their leaders have led them into catastrophe. Until then, we will play an increasingly active role in aiding suffering people of Bosnia and the hundreds of thousands of other people displaced by the conflict. We will also remain actively engaged in efforts to prevent the conflict from further destabilizing the region and Europe as a whole. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992 Title:

Iraq's Continued Defiance Of the United Nations

Perkins Source: Edward J. Perkins, US Permanent Representative To the United Nations Description: Statement before the UN Security Council, New York City Date: Aug, 11 19928/11/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: MidEast/North Africa Country: Iraq Subject: United Nations [TEXT] Mr. President, it is evident from the statement we have just heard that Iraq is in clear and direct violation of UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 688, which requires Iraq to end repression of its citizens and allow humanitarian organizations access to all of those in need. Saddam Hussein has long relied on fear and repression to govern Iraq, maintaining what can truly be described as a reign of terror. The full scope of his brutalities has yet to be revealed, but what is known is a clear indictment of his practices. Saddam is guilty of human rights abuses throughout the country and involving every ethnic and religious group. We believe it appropriate for the Security Council to address these wider issues as well as the violations cited by [Ambassador Max] Van der Stoel in his remarks to the Council. Saddam is also obstructing the work of those who seek to help the people of Iraq. His government has refused to issue visas to replacements for UN guards who have rotated out of the country. Those who remain are being harassed constantly. These guards perform an essential job--besides providing a measure of protection for UN personnel and equipment, they are an important symbol of the UN's humanitarian commitment in Iraq. If we accept that Iraq can control the entry of UN personnel by denying visas, Iraqi intransigence could reduce the number to 127 UN guards of a needed contingent of 500 1 week from today. With a reduced number of UN guards, and with UN personnel unable to travel between Baghdad and the north, the Iraqi Government could increase its harassment of groups throughout the country that rely on the UN presence to care for their humanitarian needs. In recent months, we have witnessed a resurgence of the Iraqi regime's cruel treatment of its citizens in the north. I would like to cite just a few examples. -- In the north, Saddam last week closed three key checkpoints into Kurdistan to humanitarian aid, petroleum products or people, including UN personnel. In addition, Iraq is refusing to sell fuel to humanitarian organizations. The blockade and inadequate fuel supplies are seriously hampering relief operations. Saddam has not paid government workers in the north since last October. -- On the eve of local elections in northern Iraq, three bombs were discovered in Zakho, including a car bomb in front of a hotel housing Western journalists and election observers. -- On June 30, Iraq refused to renew the Memorandum of Understanding on UN activities in Iraq. -- In early July, there were grenade and bomb attacks against UN offices in northern Iraq, including against UN guard headquarters. Events in southern Iraq show an equally heinous disregard for human rights of the Iraqi people. In southern Iraq last year, observers reported that government troops indiscriminately fired on civilians and hanged some from the barrels of tanks. Government forces damaged mosques and desecrated tombs, razed residential areas around the mosques to create fire-free zones for security units, and banned access to cemeteries. Recently, the government intensified its attacks against Shi'a civilians, possibly to compensate for its inability to eliminate insurgent groups based in the southern marshes. Iraqi commanders recently were ordered to destroy Shi'a villages and kill their occupants. A videotape shows Iraq's prime minister ordering government commanders to "wipe out" three marsh Arab tribes. Rural Shi'a villages are often shelled, as are residential areas near Shi'a cities such as An Nasiriyah. Numerous settlements have been abandoned as villagers either flee the fighting or are forcibly relocated. During a recent offensive, government forces destroyed more than 45 dwellings in settlements such as Sayqal and Wadiyah. Reports coming from southern Iraq say that a government offensive in April produced more than 1,000 casualties, and hundreds of families reportedly fled into the marshes after their homes were set on fire. Fixed-wing aircraft, including sophisticated fighter-bombers and helicopter gunships, were used to strafe villages and other portions of the marshes. The government has begun executing civilians accused of supporting the rebels. Baghdad has severely limited the number of relief workers in the south because they could monitor the regime's abuses. Baghdad has refused to renew visas for relief workers. In April, the government authorized the removal of Shi'a villages living in or near the southern marshes. This operation is reminiscent of the "anfal operations" [Operation Anfal]--Iraq's forced relocation of thousands of Kurds in the 1980s. Since the uprising, Saddam also has increased the level of economic pressure on the south. The government maintains a virtual economic embargo against the Shi'as by diverting most goods and services to Iraq's Sunni community. Saddam has refused to reconstruct water and sewage treatment facilities in the south, even though such facilities have been repaired elsewhere in Iraq. Nor have the Iraqi citizens of Baghdad and other areas in central Iraq escaped the repression of the Saddam Hussein regime. Government manipulation and control of incoming food and medical supplies plus unrestrained printing of currency by the Iraq Central Bank have contributed to escalating prices for basic commodities. The response of the Baghdad regime was to execute merchants, more often than not Sunni Arabs who have been loyal supporters. Obviously, the regime represses ruthlessly any sign of dissent. In his most cruel hoax, Saddam Hussein has blamed the number of malnourished Iraqis on the UN sanctions rather than the Iraqi military and his own policies of repression. Mr. President and members of the Council, Mr. Van der Stoel has dramatically highlighted the plight of the Iraqi people. One of the most serious new developments is the use of fixed-wing aircraft, including jet fighters, for the first time in bombing Shi'a villages in the southern marshes. Unfortunately, we have no reason to hope for amelioration of the situation under the cruel regime of Saddam Hussein. Instead, we have reason to believe that additional villages will be attacked, bombed, and destroyed, and civilian casualties will rise. Baghdad's opposition to relief efforts throughout the country, moreover, will deny the means to care for the wounded and the displaced. In 1991, the Council condemned the repression of the Iraqi civilian population in many parts of Iraq, including in the Kurdish populated areas, finding it a threat to international peace and security. At that time, the US Government and other governments concluded the situation was so serious and Iraqi intransigence so manifest that additional measures had to be taken to help prevent further Iraqi repression of the civilian population. Now, not only in the north but also in the south of Iraq, that situation exists. It is imperative that Iraq, without further delay and deception, abide by all relevant UN Security Council Resolutions, including UNSCR 688, end its economic blockade of the north and south, renew the UN humanitarian program in Iraq, and cease its repression in the southern marshes. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992 Title:

The Cuban Democracy Act and US Policy Toward Cuba

Gelbard Source: Robert S. Gelbard, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs Description: Statement before the Subcommittee on Trade of the House Ways and Means Committee, Washington, DC Date: Aug, 10 19928/10/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: Caribbean Country: Cuba Subject: Democratization, Human Rights, Trade/Economics [TEXT] Mr. Chairman, I appreciate this opportunity to review with you US policy toward Cuba and our views on the Cuban Democracy Act (HR 5323). I commend the thorough review Congress has given this legislation. As you are aware, last week, I testified before the Subcommittee for Western Hemisphere and Peace Corps Affairs of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and, in April, before the House Foreign Affairs Committee. This has been a truly bipartisan effort. On behalf of the Administration, I would like to thank you and the bill's sponsors for considering our views on how best to bring democracy to Cuba. I understand that your interests are in the trade provisions of the Cuban Democracy Act, and I welcome a full discussion of these issues. However, I would like to begin by putting the legislation into the context of US policy toward Cuba.
A Successful Policy
In the last few years, our policy has succeeded in helping to significantly diminish Cuban support for insurgency abroad and terminate Cuba's special relationship with the former Soviet Union. Today, Cuba stands alone. No government has stretched out a hand to stop the inevitable decay and disappearance of the Cuban dictatorship. No government has attempted to replace the former Soviet Union's military and political ties with Cuba-- quite the contrary. Russia's relation- ship with Cuba has withered to the point that it now has little inclination to support Cuban intransigence. Cuba's position in the world community and at home is far different from what it was only a few years ago. Today, leaders around the world are pressing the Castro regime to adopt representative democracy and end its repression of human rights. In Madrid--as in Guadalajara--Castro's vision was rejected by his Latin American colleagues. A few weeks ago, at the Ibero-American summit, the leaders of Latin America, Spain, and Portugal made it clear to Castro they wanted change in Cuba when they called for "representative" democracy in the final communique. Not Cuban-style "democracy" but a true democracy in which the people of Cuba freely elect their leaders and democratic institutions give legitimacy to a successor government. The UN Human Rights Commission has called on Cuba to stop abuses of human rights. The Russian ambassador to Geneva hosted Cuban human rights activists during last year's Commission meeting in Geneva, and Russia voted in that Commission to send a Special UN Rapporteur to Cuba to investigate the human rights situation there. Sadly, the Castro regime has refused to allow a UN review of its human rights record. Rather, it has continued to subject those who disagree with the regime to mob attack and arbitrary arrest. Today, Cuba's attempts to establish productive relations with the successor states of the former Soviet Union are little more than cosmetic posturing and do little to conceal the final and irreversible removal of the residue of Soviet power in Cuba. Soviet--now Russian--troops are leaving Cuba. Soviet--now Russian--technical advisers, once estimated at 8,000, now can be counted in the hundreds. All economic aid and subsidized trade, which peaked at an estimated $5 billion a year, have ended. Total two-way trade between Russia and Cuba in 1992 may amount to an estimated $500 mil-lion compared to $8.7 billion in 1989. The withdrawal of support from the former Soviet Union and, now, Russia means that Cuba can no longer support insurgency abroad. Just a few short years ago, Cuba had 50,000 troops in Africa. They now number in the hundreds. Namibia is independent and democratic. Cuban troops are out of Angola, and it is not controlled by a Marxist-Leninist regime. Cuban troops have left Ethiopia and Somalia. Cuba has little influence in Africa. The same is true for Latin America. There is peace in Central America. Castro lost the election to [Nicaraguan President] Violeta Chamorro just as surely as did Daniel Ortega. The peace settlement in El Salvador was the death knell for Cuban-style communism in Latin America. The significantly diminished Cuban support for insurgency and the demise of Cuba's symbiotic relationship with the Soviet Union did not just happen. It happened because of a strong and active Bush Administration policy to discourage Soviet--and later Russian--support for Cuba. President Bush and Secretary Baker wasted no words in letting [Soviet] President Gorbachev and, subsequently, [Russian] President Yeltsin know that we expected Soviet military and economic support to Cuba to end. President Gorbachev took the unprecedented measure of announcing to the world--without first advising the Cubans --that Soviet troops would be withdrawn from Cuba. President Yeltsin followed this initiative by terminating subsidized oil shipments to Cuba, by slashing military aid, and by placing aid projects on a commercial basis.
Cuba Today
In 1989, could anyone have predicted that Castro, who once deplored tourism, would, in 1992, be frantically struggling to keep Cuba's fragile economy afloat by begging for Western investment in tourism? Could anyone have told us that the Cuban economy would shrink by 50%, that Cubans would be reduced to bicycles and oxen as their principal modes of transportation, or that Cuba's military machine would be degraded? Cuba can no longer project its power abroad. Perhaps up to half its MiGs are mothballed, many tanks and artillery are in storage and, to save fuel, anti- aircraft guns are being towed by troops pedaling oversized tricycles. Cuba's self-proclaimed victories abroad must be ashes in the mouths of those who must till the field and harvest potatoes rather than sow the seeds of revolution. Cuba's economic collapse--for in truth that is what we are witnessing--is happening for four reasons: -- The termination of Cuba's economic relationship with the former Soviet empire; -- The refusal of Fidel Castro to adapt to the wave of democracy that has swept the world. The Cuban economy--like its political system--cannot survive in isolation; -- Our long-standing American policy of economic and political isolation of Cuba; [and] -- Our firm and clear policy on the administration and enforcement of the embargo of Cuba. The future is in the hands of the Cuban people. Will Cuba choose to join the democratic countries of this hemisphere? Will Cuba regain its economic health and political freedom? These choices must be made by the Cuban people. No matter how much we might want to see a peaceful democratic transition in Cuba, the decision is not ours to make. We can help promote change, but we cannot make the changes. We can suggest what measures might result in a better future for Cuba's children, but we cannot carry out these changes.
The Cuban Democracy Act
The Cuban Democracy Act is not a change of policy. It embodies many of the measures the Administration has taken to bring about a peaceful democratic transition in Cuba. It calls for political and economic isolation of Cuba. This is what we are doing and have been doing for over 30 years. It calls for a dynamic program of convincing other governments not to help Cuba. The continued exclusion of Cuba from the OAS [Organization of American States], the refusal of any country to replace Cuba's lost trade and aid, and the collapse of the Cuban economy are all testimonies to the success of our effort. It calls for progressively scaling back our isolation of Cuba if the government undertakes free and fair elections. And, finally, it calls for reintegration of Cuba into this hemisphere once it is truly democratic. This, too, is our policy. In his April 18 statement on the bill, President Bush stated that he endorsed "the objectives of this legislation to isolate Cuba until democratic change comes to that embattled island." He also made clear his commitment to working with the Congress to pass a stronger, more effective Cuban Democracy Act which tightens the embargo and closes any unintentional loopholes that could benefit the Castro regime, while preserving the proper constitutional prerogatives of the Congress and the President. In my testimony before the House Foreign Affairs Committee on April 8, 1992, I said that we share the vision of peaceful democratic change in Cuba with the sponsors of the Cuban Democracy Act. On that occasion, I also pointed out that the Administration differed not with the overall goal but with certain aspects of the strategy. I asked Congress to work with us to resolve these differences in approach. Today, I am pleased to be able to tell you that the Bush Administration supports the new House and Senate versions of the Cuban Democracy Act. In my April 8 testimony, I cited the two provisions of the original House version of the Cuban Democracy Act which needed to be revised in order to reflect properly the prerogatives of the Congress and the President. We also suggested language that would close unintentional loopholes that could benefit Cuba in the areas of telecommunications and humanitarian shipments. In both cases, congressional leaders, the sponsors, and the State Department were able to work together to successfully resolve their differences. These changes are reflected in the legislation which you are considering today. We understand that there are discussions with [the] Treasury [Department] to resolve differences over the tax provision (Section 6 (b) (1) ). As with any project--especially with a legislative initiative of this magnitude--there are bound to be differences. However, with the expected resolution of the tax issue, none of the remaining issues should delay enactment of this legislation. We are pleased that this legislation provides Treasury with civil penalty authority so that it may impose administrative fines for less serious violations of the embargo. We believe that the enforcement procedures are somewhat cumbersome and that the categories of travel exempted from civil penalties under the proposed legislation could permit a greater flow of travel funds to Cuba. Also, we would prefer that the provision on vessels (Section 6 (c) ) reflect the President's April 18 statement which prohibits entry into US ports of vessels that are engaged in trade with Cuba. There has been a good deal of debate on the provision to ban trade with Cuba by US subsidiaries located in foreign countries. It is Treasury's practice to license subsidiaries of US firms located abroad to trade with Cuba if no US funds are involved and if the final product is of less than 20% US content. The proposed legislation would revoke Treasury's licensing authority in this area. Our allies object to this provision and have told us that they will impose blocking legislation, which could hurt US companies. Although modifications to the bill would make it even stronger, we support it as it stands. We believe this bill is important because it will make a statement to the Castro regime. Now, when the regime faces its most serious crisis, the Cuban leadership must understand that this is a bipartisan policy which enjoys the full support of the people of the United States, the Congress, and the Administration.
What's in the Future?
I commend the sponsors of the Cuban Democracy Act for their vision of a free and democratic Cuba. The legislation is clearly designed to promote change by providing incentives which will help the Cuban people undertake the huge job of regenerating a crippled economy and formulating a strategy to develop the basic documents that will govern their lives. For example, Section 7 permits the US Government to provide food and medicines to Cuba if the Cuban Government commits to elections in 6 months, respects human rights, and is not supporting insurgency abroad. This provision will help democracy get a start in Cuba, because it allows us to help once it is clear that the Cuban Government is committed to universal standards of human rights and democracy. Section 8 goes much further. It lists the actions we are prepared to take if the Cuban Government has held free and fair elections with opposition parties and free press, undertaken constitutional reform to establish a representative democracy, and is moving toward a free market economy. These measures include steps toward ending the embargo and opening negotiations for a trade and investment framework agreement, as we have done with other countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. In short, we are ready to help Cuba become a full and prosperous member of the world community. In my view, these provisions are really the heart of the Cuban Democracy Act, because they provide enormous encouragement to the Cuban people to strive toward a democratic system. Neither this bill nor US policy is designed to hurt the Cuban people. Our mutual objective is freedom: freedom for the Cuban people to choose their leaders, to speak out freely, [and] to join the rest of Latin America in a truly democratic hemisphere. We know this will happen. But we are impatient; we want it to happen now. There has been too much suffering and loss. Families have been split apart--sons and daughters lost at sea--and those who remain behind are left without a future. It is time for a change. Cubans do not want "Socialism or Death," Castro's slogan. They want a voice in running their government so that they can meet together without fear of jail or beatings. It is time that the Cuban people were given back their voice, their vote, and the future of their country. When this time comes, we stand ready to stretch out a hand to help rebuild Cuba. Our help and that of the world community will be given to foster democracy and human rights, not [to] succor a failing dictatorship. We hope that our policy, and this bill, will contribute to the long-sought goal of a free and democratic Cuba. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992 Title:

Prohibiting the Import and Export Of Chinese Prison Labor Products

Kanter Source: Arnold Kanter, Under Secretary for Political Affairs Description: Statement at the signing of the Chinese Prison Labor Memorandum of Understanding, Washington, DC Date: Aug, 7 19928/7/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: East Asia Country: China Subject: Trade/Economics, Human Rights [TEXT] Vice Foreign Minister Liu, ladies and gentlemen, I am very pleased to be here today with you, Vice Minister Liu, to sign this memorandum of understanding [MOU] between our two countries on prohibiting import and export trade in prison labor products. Last summer, President Bush charged the Department of State with negotiating this memorandum to facilitate implementation of US laws which ban the importation of prison-made products. Noting both its own rules against such trade and its respect for US laws and regulations, the Chinese side responded positively to our request for discussions. During Secretary Baker's visit to China last November, the United States and China took this initiative an important step further, agreeing in principle on the elements of the accord. Subsequent talks produced agreement on the critical point of allowing US access to Chinese facilities for the purpose of carrying out the MOU. The memorandum of understanding calls on both sides to investigate promptly possible violations of relevant laws and regulations. I am pleased to announce that an officer of the US Customs Service is being accredited to our embassy in Beijing. Vice Minister Liu, the signing of this memorandum, which culminates several months of hard work by both sides, is a welcome step forward in relations between the United States and China. I wish to thank you and your government for recognizing and responding to serious US concerns in this area. I look forward to close cooperation between our countries as we implement this important agreement.
Text of Memorandum Of Understanding
The Government of the United States of America and the Government of the People's Republic of China (hereinafter referred to as the Parties), Considering that the Chinese Government has noted and respects United States laws and regulations that prohibit the import of prison labor products, has consistently paid great attention to the question of prohibition of the export of prison labor products, has explained to the United States its policy on this question, and on October 10, 1991, reiterated its regulations regarding prohibition of the export of prison labor products; Considering that the Government of the United States has explained to the Chinese Government US laws and regulations prohibiting the import of prison labor products and the policy of the United States on this issue; and Noting that both Governments express appreciation for each other's concerns and previous efforts to resolve this issue, Have reached the following understanding on the question of prohibiting import and export trade between the two countries that violates the relevant laws and regulations of either the United States or China concerning products produced by prison or penal labor (herein referred to as prison labor products).
The Parties agree:
1. Upon the request of one Party, and based on specific information provided by that Party, the other Party will promptly investigate companies, enterprises or units suspected of violating relevant regulations and laws, and will immediately report the results of such investigations to the other. 2. Upon the request of one Party, responsible officials or experts of relevant departments of both Parties will meet under mutually convenient circumstances to exchange information on the enforcement of relevant laws and regulations and to examine and report on compliance with relevant regulations and laws by their respective companies, enterprises, or units. 3. Upon request, each Party will furnish to the other Party available evidence and information regarding suspected violations of relevant laws and regulations in a form admissible in judicial or administrative proceedings of the other Party. Moreover, at the request of one Party, the other Party will preserve the confidentiality of the furnished evidence, except when used in judicial or administrative proceedings. 4. In order to resolve specific outstanding cases related to the subject matter of this Memorandum of Understanding, each Party will, upon request of the other Party, promptly arrange and facilitate visits by responsible officials of the other Party's diplomatic mission to its respective companies, enterprises or units. This Memorandum of Understanding will enter into force upon signature. Done at Washington, in duplicate, this seventh day of August, 1992, in the English and Chinese languages, both texts being equally authentic. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992 Title:

Arab-Israeli Peace Process

Bush Description: Statement by President Bush, released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC Date: Aug, 10 19928/10/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: MidEast/North Africa Country: Israel, Syria, Jordan, Lebanon Subject: Mideast Peace Process [TEXT] We are pleased to announce that we have received positive responses from all the parties to the bilateral negotiations in the Arab-Israeli peace process to attend the sixth round of talks, which will commence in Washington on August 24. The United States and Russia, as co-sponsors, welcome this opportunity for the parties to engage in substantive negotiations and to make real progress during this round. The United States is prepared to continue to play its role as a driving force, catalyst, and honest broker to promote progress in these negotiations. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992 Title:

Mozambique Peace Talks

Boucher Source: State Department Deputy Spokesman Richard Boucher Description: Statement, Washington, DC Date: Aug, 7 19928/7/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: Subsaharan Africa Country: Mozambique Subject: Democratization, Regional/Civil Unrest [TEXT] The US Government welcomes the substantial progress achieved at the August 5-7 meetings in Rome between Mozambican President Joaquim Chissano and RENAMO [Mozambique National Resistance] leader Afonso Dhlakama. We note with particular pleasure the commitment made to complete negotiations and sign a general peace accord by October 1, 1992. In view of the severe humanitarian crisis in Mozambique caused by war and a devastating drought, we urge both sides to accelerate their discussions in Rome in order to meet the October 1 target date. As an official observer to the Rome talks, the United States will continue to provide technical negotiating assistance to the mediators and the Mozambican parties as needed. Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe, the Italian Government, and the Catholic lay group San Egidio are to be highly commended for the significant roles they played in arranging the meetings in Rome between President Chissano and Mr. Dhlakama to accelerate the peace talks and bring a rapid end to the conflict in Mozambique. We urge the international community to constructively support these efforts and to be prepared to contribute to the effective implementation of an eventual agreement. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992 Title:

Suriname Peace Agreement

Boucher Description: Statement released by the Office of the Assistant Secretary/Spokesman, Washington, DC Date: Aug, 7 19928/7/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: Subsaharan Africa Country: Suriname Subject: Democratization, Human Rights [TEXT] We are pleased that the Government of Suriname reached a peace agreement on August 5 with two domestic armed groups, the Jungle Commando and the Tucayana Indians, which have been in armed opposition to the government since 1987. The agreement was reached with the help of the Organization of American States (OAS), and OAS Secretary General Joao Baena Soares participated in the conclusion of the agreement in Paramaribo. This agreement represents an important step in the process of confirming the democratic process and the rule of law in Suriname. We share the hope of the parties to the agreement that it will establish the basis for a durable peace, stability, and development. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992 Title:

Azerbaijani-Armenian Conflict

Boucher Source: State Department Deputy Spokesman Richard Boucher Description: Statement, Washington, DC Date: Aug, 13 19928/13/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: Eurasia Country: Armenia, Azerbaijan Subject: Regional/Civil Unrest [TEXT] The US Government condemns the recent Azerbaijani seizure of the Armenian enclave of Artsvashen. This action is a destabilizing event that further escalates and exacerbates the Azerbaijani-Armenian conflict. As members of the CSCE [Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe], both Azerbaijan and Armenia are committed to observe the inviolability of international borders. We, therefore, urge Azerbaijan to withdraw from Artsvashen and to respect Armenian sovereignty over this enclave. This is the latest in a series of occupations of enclaves by both sides. We, thus, likewise call on Armenia to withdraw from those areas it has occupied and to respect the borders of Azerbaijan. It remains our firm conviction that no just, lasting solution can be found to this tragic conflict through violence. In that light, we deplore the recent upsurge in fighting in the region and strongly urge that all the parties support and implement the CSCE Minsk Group's call last week in Rome for a 60-day cease-fire. We encourage all sides to work with the chairman of the Minsk Group, former Italian Deputy Foreign Minister Raffaelli, to set a date for the cease-fire formally to go into effect. The CSCE mediation effort is the best opportunity available to the parties for resolving this tragic conflict by peaceful means. We urge all parties to take no action that undermines the CSCE Minsk Group negotiations and deepens the conflict.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992 Title:

Angola: Police Neutrality

Boucher Source: State Department Deputy Spokesman Richard Boucher Description: Statement, Washington, DC Date: Aug, 14 19928/14/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: Subsaharan Africa Country: Angola Subject: Human Rights [TEXT] In his visit to Angola in late July, Assistant Secretary [for African Affairs Herman J.] Cohen underscored the need for all parties to create a climate of confidence in the weeks before the September elections. Nonetheless, we are concerned by the alarming increase in the level of tensions throughout the country since that time. We believe the newly created anti-riot police are a principal cause of rising tensions. Under the terms of the Angola peace accords, the government retains responsibility for the functions and activities of the civilian police. The accords also stipulate, however, that police neutrality is a precondition to the holding of free and fair elections. The government has an obligation to cooperate with UN and UNITA [National Union for the Total Independence of Angola] monitors to ensure that neutrality. Instead, well-trained, well- equipped, anti-riot police have acted in ways which appear to violate both the letter and spirit of the accords. We have shared these concerns with the GPRA [Government of the People's Republic of Angola] on numerous occasions. At times, UNITA has also acted overzealously, bringing armed security personnel into urban areas and limiting the activities and movement of some of the civilian population. We have raised these issues with UNITA. Solutions must be found to the question of the riot police which reduce rather than exacerbate existing tensions. In these final, critical weeks before elections, the government must take steps to guarantee the neutrality of the police. We call on both parties to cooperate more actively with each other and with the UN monitors to ensure that both the letter and the spirit of the accords are respected [and] that provocations are avoided and tensions reduced. Only then can Angola's voters enjoy the confidence needed to freely and peacefully participate in the exercise of their hard- won democratic rights.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992 Title:

Reward for Pablo Escobar

Boucher Source: State Department Deputy Spokesman Richard Boucher Description: Statement, Washington, DC Date: Aug, 14 19928/14/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: South America Country: Colombia Subject: Regional/Civil Unrest, Narcotics [TEXT] Persons providing information leading to the arrest of [convicted Colombian narcotics trafficker] Pablo Escobar are eligible for rewards of up to $2 million. The reward offer by the [US] Department of State, in conjunction with the [US] Department of Justice, is made pursuant to the Department's authorities under 1985 legislation which authorizes rewards of up to $2 million for: -- Information that prevents or resolves acts of terrorism or which leads to the arrest of those responsible for such incidents; and/or -- Information that leads to the arrest of major narcotics traffickers. Escobar has been indicted for narcotics trafficking violations by several jurisdictions in the United States, the indictments dating from 1984 through 1990. Escobar was indicted August 13, [1992] by a grand jury in connection with the bombing of Avianca flight 203, a crime that has been determined to be an act of terrorism under US law. This announcement brings to $3.4 million the possible total of rewards offered for Escobar's arrest. The Government of Colombia announced earlier this week an offer of $1.4 million. The rewards program, in addition to financial incentives, includes the possibility of relocation to the United States to ensure the safety and security of witnesses who provide information which leads to an arrest. Identities of informants are kept confidential. Family members may also be relocated. The United States has paid approximately $2 million in anti-terrorist rewards under this program and $350,000 in narcotics-related rewards. Persons in Colombia with information on Escobar's whereabouts are urged to contact the Colombian National Police. Persons in the United States should contact the nearest office of the [US] Drug Enforcement Administration. Anyone wishing to provide such information may also write to the following address: Program Director PO Box 96781 Washington, DC USA 20090-6781 (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992 Title:

US Support for Chemical Weapons Convention

Fitzwater Source: White House Press Secretary Marlin Fitzwater Description: Statement, Washington, DC Date: Aug, 14 19928/14/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: Whole World Country: United States Subject: Arms Control [TEXT] The President announced today strong US support for the Chemical Weapons Convention completed at the UN Conference on Disarmament in Geneva August 7. He said the United States is committed to signing the treaty as soon as it is open for signature, and he called on all other nations to make a similar pledge. The treaty, concluded after years of intensive negotiations, calls for the total banning of chemical weapons worldwide. The United States has been committed to that goal since the beginning of the negotiations and applauds the dedicated efforts of all who have helped to bring the talks to a successful conclusion. The United States firmly believes that removing the threat of these weapons of terror is now possible and will be achieved when all states join and abide by this treaty. The United States underscores its intention of working actively to bring the Chemical Weapons Convention into force at the earliest possible date and believes that all responsible governments will join us in this pursuit.(###)