US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992
Title: North American Free Trade Agreement
Bush
Source: President Bush
Description: Statement released by the White House, Office of the
Press Secretary, Washington, DC
Date: Aug, 12 19928/12/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: North America
Country: Mexico, United States, Canada
Subject: North America Free Trade
[TEXT]
Today marks the beginning of a new era on the North American continent.
This morning, the United States, Mexico, and Canada are announcing the
completion of negotiations for a North American Free Trade Agreement--
NAFTA. I want to express deep appreciation to Ambassador Carla Hills, our
US Trade Representative, and to Secretary Serra of Mexico and Minister
Wilson of Canada for this outstanding achievement.
This historic trade agreement will further open markets in Mexico, Canada,
and the United States. It will create jobs and generate economic growth in
all three countries.
The Cold War is over. The principal challenge now facing the United States
is to compete in a rapidly changing and expanding global marketplace. This
agreement will level the North American playing field, allowing American
companies to increase sales from Alaska to the Yucatan. By sweeping aside
barriers and expanding trade, NAFTA will make our companies more
competitive everywhere in the world. We have seen this happen with the
US-Canada Free Trade Agreement; we will see it even more with the NAFTA.
Open markets in Mexico and Canada mean more American jobs. Our nation is
the world's leading exporter--well ahead of Japan and Germany. Today, over
7 million Americans are hard at work making products that will be sold
around the world. Export-related jobs pay 17% more than the average US
wage. These jobs are the kind that our nation needs to grow and prosper--
the kind that showcase American talent and technology.
More than 600,000 Americans are now employed making products and selling
them to Mexico--our fastest-growing major export market. We sold over
$33 billion worth of goods to Mexico last year and are projected to sell $44
billion this year. In the last
5 years, as President Salinas has dismantled many long-standing Mexican
trade and investment restrictions, our exports to Mexico have nearly
tripled--that's more than one-quarter of a million new American jobs. This
agreement helps us lock in these gains and build on them.
Last year, the Congress endorsed moving forward with NAFTA by extending
the "fast-track" procedures for congressional consideration and
implementation of trade agreements. The successful completion of the
NAFTA talks shows how much can be accomplished when the executive
branch and the Congress work together to do what is best for our nation. I
will work closely with Congress for rapid implementation.
At the time "fast-track" was extended, I outlined steps we would take to
address environmental and labor concerns. We have taken every promised
step, and we are meeting--or beating--every commitment I outlined.
This is the first time a trade agreement has included stringent provisions to
benefit the environment. The NAFTA maintains this nation's high
environmental, health, and safety standards. In fact, it goes even further
and encourages all three countries to seek the highest possible standards.
The Environmental Protection Agency and its Mexican counterpart have
already developed a comprehensive, integrated border plan to clean up air,
water, and hazardous waste along the Rio Grande. These problems are
serious, but they will be solved by environmental cooperation, increased
trade, and higher levels of economic growth--not protectionism.
Unfortunately, Congress has reduced funding for our border plan in the
appropriations process; I ask Congress to fully fund these important
environmental initiatives.
With NAFTA, we are moving forward with our trade strategy. Trade is part
of my long-term economic growth plan to create more opportunities for all
Americans. In a changing world, we must give our workers the education
and skills they need to compete, and assistance and training to find good
jobs.
I've said many times: Level the playing field and the American worker can
out-think, out-produce, and out-work anyone, anytime.
Today's historic agreement links our future with our past. Five centuries
ago this very month, a man of courage and vision set sail from the Old World
in search of new trade routes and opportunities. Christopher Columbus was
an entrepreneur, and the journey he started 500 years ago continues to pay
off abundantly today. By moving forward with the North American Free
Trade Agreement, we will replenish that investment, opening up new
horizons of opportunity and enterprise in the New World. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992
Title: Fact Sheet: North American Free Trade
Agreement
Fitzwater
Description: Statement released by the White House, Office of the
Press Secretary, Washington, DC
Date: Aug, 12 19928/12/92
Category: Fact Sheets
Region: North America
Country: Mexico, United States, Canada
Subject: North America Free Trade, Trade/Economics,
Environment, Immigration
[TEXT]
The President today [August 12] announced that the United States, Mexico,
and Canada have completed negotiation of a North American
Free Trade Agreement. NAFTA will phase out barriers to trade in goods and
services in North America, eliminate barriers to investment, and strengthen
the protection of intellectual property rights. As tariffs and other trade
barriers are eliminated, NAFTA will create a massive open market--more
than 360 million people and over $6 trillion in annual output.
Background
With sharp increases in global trade and investment flows, US economic
growth and job creation have become closely tied to our ability to compete
internationally. Since 1986, US exports have increased by almost 90%,
reflecting our success in opening foreign markets and the competitiveness
of American industry. In 1991, the United States exported more than $422
billion of industrial and agricultural products and more than $164 billion in
services, making the United States the world's largest exporter--ahead of
Germany and Japan. More then 7.5 million US jobs are tied to merchandise
exports, up from 5 million in 1986. Of these jobs, 2.1 million are supported
by exports to Canada and Mexico.
For many years, Mexico used high tariffs and licensing restrictions in an
effort to encourage industrial development and import substitution. Under
President Salinas and his predecessor, President de la Madrid, the Mexican
Government has opened its market and implemented sweeping economic
reforms. In 1986, Mexico joined the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
(GATT) and began reducing its tariffs and trade barriers. As a result,
bilateral trade has increased dramatically. From 1986 to 1991, US exports
to Mexico increased from $12.4 billion to $33.3 billion, twice as fast as US
exports to the rest of the world. US agricultural exports rose 173% to $3
billion; consumer goods tripled to $3.4 billion; and exports of capital goods
surged to $11.3 billion from $5 billion. US exports to Mexico now support
about 600,000 American jobs, while exports to Canada support 1.5 million.
Economic reforms have also been good for Mexico. Its inflation rate has
dropped from over 100% in 1986 to under 20% in 1991, and its economy has
grown at an average annual rate of 3.1% over the last 4 years, after
stagnating during the 1980s.
In June 1990, Presidents Bush and Salinas endorsed the idea of a
comprehensive US-Mexico free trade agreement and directed their trade
ministers to begin preparatory work. Canada joined the talks in February
1991, leading to the three-way negotiation known as NAFTA. Formal
negotiations began in June 1991 after Congress extended, through May 1993,
the "fast-track" procedures originally enacted in the Trade Act of 1974,
authorizing the Administration to submit the agreement with implementing
legislation for an up-or-down vote.
The President's trade strategy, which is a key part of his overall economic
growth plan, is designed to create new markets for American products and
provide new opportunities for American companies and workers.
The NAFTA Agreement
NAFTA will create a free trade area (FTA) comprising the United States,
Canada, and Mexico. Consistent with GATT rules, all tariffs will be
eliminated within the FTA over a transition period. The NAFTA involves an
ambitious effort to eliminate barriers to agricultural, manufacturing, and
services trade; to remove investment restrictions; and to protect
effectively intellectual property rights. In addition, the NAFTA marks the
first time in the history of US trade policy that environmental concerns
have been directly addressed in a comprehensive trade agreement.
Highlights of the NAFTA include:
Tariff Elimination. About 65% of US industrial and agricultural exports to
Mexico will be eligible for duty-free treatment either immediately or
within 5 years. Mexico's tariffs currently average 10%, which is two-and-
a-half times the average US tariff.
Reduction of Motor Vehicle and Parts Tariffs. US autos and light trucks will
enjoy greater access to Mexico, which has the fastest-growing major auto
market in the world. With NAFTA, Mexican tariffs on vehicles and light
trucks will be cut in half immediately. Within 5 years, duties on three-
quarters of US parts exports to Mexico will be eliminated, and Mexican
"trade balancing" and "local content requirements" will be phased out over
10 years.
Auto Rule of Origin. Only vehicles with substantial North American parts
and labor content will benefit from tariff cuts under NAFTA's strict rule of
origin. NAFTA will require that autos contain 62.5% North American
content, considerably more than the 50% required by the US-Canada Free
Trade Agreement. NAFTA contains tracing requirements so that individual
parts can be identified to determine the North American content of major
components and sub-assemblies, e.g., engines. This strict rule of origin is
important in ensuring that the benefits of the NAFTA flow to firms that
produce in North America.
Expanded Telecommunications Trade. NAFTA opens Mexico's $6 billion
market for telecommunications equipment and services. It gives US
providers of voice mail or packet-switched services nondiscriminatory
access to the Mexican public telephone network and eliminates all
investment restrictions by July 1995.
Reduced Textiles and Apparel Barriers. Barriers to trade on $250 million
(more than 20%) of US exports of textiles and apparel to Mexico will be
eliminated immediately, with another $700 million freed from restrictions
within 6 years. All North American trade restrictions will be eliminated
within 10 years, and tough rules of origin will ensure that benefits of trade
liberalization accrue to North American producers.
Increased Trade in Agriculture. Mexico imported $3 billion worth of US
agricultural goods last year, making it the United States' third-largest
market. NAFTA will immediately eliminate Mexican import licenses, which
covered 25% of US agricultural exports last year, and will phase out
remaining Mexican tariffs within 10-15 years.
Expanded Trade in Financial Services. Mexico's closed financial services
markets will be opened, and US banks and securities firms will be allowed
to establish wholly owned subsidiaries. Transitional restrictions will be
phased out by January 1, 2000.
New Opportunities in Insurance. US firms will gain major new opportunities
in the Mexican market; firms with existing joint ventures will be permitted
to obtain 100% ownership by 1996, and new entrants to the market can
obtain a majority stake in Mexican firms by 1998. By 2000, all equity and
market share restrictions will be eliminated, opening up completely what is
now a $3.5 billion market.
Increased Investment. Mexican "domestic content" rules will be eliminated,
permitting additional sourcing of US inputs, and, for the first time, US
firms operating in Mexico will receive the same treatment as Mexican-
owned firms. Mexico has agreed to drop export performance requirements,
which currently force companies to export as a condition of being allowed
to invest.
Land Transportation. More then 90% of US trade with Mexico is shipped by
land, but US truckers currently are denied the right to carry cargo or set up
subsidiaries in Mexico, forcing them to "hand off" trailers to Mexican
drivers and return home empty. NAFTA will permit US trucking companies
to carry international cargo to the Mexican states contiguous to the United
States by 1995 and gives them cross-border access to all of Mexico by the
end of 1999. US railroads will be able to provide their services in Mexico,
and US companies can invest in and operate land-side port services. The
combination of truck, rail, and port breakthroughs will help create an
efficient, intermodal North American transport system.
Protection of Intellectual Property Rights. NAFTA will provide a higher
level of protection for intellectual property rights than any other bilateral
or multilateral agreement. US high technology, entertainment, and consumer
goods producers that rely heavily on protection for their patents,
copyrights, and trademarks will realize substantial gains under NAFTA. The
agreement will also limit compulsory licensing, resolving an important
concern with Canada. The objective of NAFTA is to open markets. It is not
designed to create a closed regional trading bloc and erects no new barriers
to non-participants. NAFTA is fully consistent with GATT criteria for free
trade agreements and with US support for strengthening the multilateral
trading system in the Uruguay Round.
Economic Studies
At the request of the Office of the US Trade Representative, the US
International Trade Commission [USITC] surveyed and evaluated the various
economic analyses of NAFTA. In May of this year, the USITC reported that
"(T)here is a surprising degree of unanimity in the results regarding the
aggregate effects of NAFTA. All three countries are expected to gain from a
NAFTA."
These independent studies found that NAFTA would increase US growth,
jobs, and wages. They found that NAFTA would increase US real GDP by up to
0.5% per year once it is fully implemented. They projected aggregate US
employment increases ranging from under 0.1% to 2.5%. The studies further
project aggregate increases in US real wages of between 0.1% and 0.3%.
US exports to Mexico support more than 600,000 American jobs. The
Institute for International Economics recently estimated this figure will
rise to more than 1 million by 1995 under NAFTA.
Environment, Labor, and Adjustment Issues
In a May 1, 1991, letter to the Congress, the President described actions
that the Administration would implement to address concerns regarding
the impact of free trade on the environment, labor rights, and worker
adjustment programs.
Environment. The Administration has moved forward with a comprehensive
bilateral environmental agenda to allay concerns that free trade could
undermine US environmental and food safety regulations or lead to
environmental degradation on the US-Mexico border. During the last year,
substantial progress has been made. High- lights include the following:
-- Standards--NAFTA allows the United States to maintain its stringent
environmental, health, and safety standards. It allows states and localities
to enact tougher standards based on sound science. It encourages "upward
harmonization" of national standards and regulations and prohibits the
lowering of standards to attract investment.
-- Integrated Border Plan--In February 1992, the US Environmental
Protection Agency (EPA) and its Mexican counterpart (SEDUSOL) completed a
comprehensive plan for addressing air, soil, water, and hazardous waste
problems in the border area. Agreement has been reached on measures to
implement the first stage of the plan covering the period 1992-94.
-- Border Infrastructure--The President has proposed a 70% increase in the
budget for border environmental projects to $241 million for FY 1993,
including $75 million for the colonias (unincorporated communities on the
US side of the border that often lack effective sanitation services and
running water) and more than $120 million for border wastewater treatment
plants.
-- Border Plan/FY 1993 Appropriations--To date, in the FY 1993
appropriations process, the House of Representatives has refused to fund
the $50 million EPA request for the colonias and [has] cut the
Administration's $65-million request for a Tijuana-San Diego sewage
treatment plant to $32 million. For its part, the Senate failed to fund $120
million of the requested funds for border wastewater treatment. The
President has called upon Congress to reverse these cuts.
-- Environmental Conference--On September 17, 1992, EPA Administrator
William Reilly will host a trilateral meeting with the Canadian and Mexican
environmental ministers in Washington, DC, to discuss environmental
aspects of NAFTA.
Worker Rights. Mexico has a comprehensive labor law that provides workers
with extensive legal rights. The economic benefits of NAFTA will provide
Mexico with resources to move forward with vigorous enforcement
initiatives launched by the Salinas Administration.
-- Labor Cooperation--The US Department of Labor has negotiated a 5-year
memorandum of understanding (MOU) to strengthen bilateral cooperation
with respect to occupational health and safety standards, child labor, labor
statistics, worker rights, labor management relations, and workplace
training. Several joint MOU initiatives are now underway.
Safeguards. President Bush committed that NAFTA would contain measures
to ease the transition for import-sensitive US industries. For our sensitive
sectors, tariffs will be phased out in 10 years, with particularly sensitive
sectors having a transition of up to 15 years. In addition, NAFTA contains
"safeguard" procedures that will allow the United States to reimpose tariffs
in the event of injurious import surges.
Worker Adjustment. Dislocations in the United States are likely to be
minimal, since US trade barriers are already quite low. Nonetheless, during
the fast-track debate, the President promised that dislocated US workers
will receive timely, comprehensive, and effective services and retraining--
whether through improvement or expansion of an existing program or
creation of a new program. The Administration has already begun consulting
with the relevant congressional committees regarding adjustment services
for displaced workers.
Next Steps
The timing of congressional consideration is governed by the fast-track
procedures, which require the President to notify the Congress of his intent
to enter into the agreement at least 90 days before it is signed. Although
today's announcement reflects the completion of negotiations, the draft text
probably will not be finished until September, since further legal drafting
and review are required to implement the understandings reached by the
negotiators.
After the agreement is signed, legislation must be prepared to implement it,
including any necessary changes to US law. Under the fast-track, the NAFTA
will not go into effect until the Congress has approved the implementing
legislation on an up-or-down vote. The approval process must occur within
a specified time--90 "session" days of Congress. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992
Title: US-Israeli Relations
Bush
Rabin
Source: President Bush, Israeli Prime Minister Rabin
Description: Excerpts from remarks at a press conference,
Kennebunkport, Maine
Date: Aug, 12 19928/12/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa
Country: Israel, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Ethiopia,
USSR (former)
Subject: Mideast Peace Process
[TEXT]
President Bush:
I've just spent the best part of the past 24 hours
with Prime Minister Rabin, and it has been a true pleasure for Barbara and
me to spend this time with the Prime Minister and Mrs. Rabin. We've known
them for many years. As a matter of fact, we're charter members of the
former Ambassadors' Club, and we could not be happier than to have them
visit us here at Kennebunkport, this very special place for me and for my
family.
Before I say some more about my hours of conversation with the Prime
Minister, I want to take this opportunity to say a few things about the
relationship between the United States and Israel. This is a relation-ship
that goes back more than 4 decades to Israel's birth in 1948. And this is a
relationship that's been tested in times of peace and war; one capable not
only of weathering differences, but of accomplishing great things. This is
a relationship based on a shared commitment to democracy and to common
values, as well as the solid commitment to Israel's security, including its
qualitative military edge. This is a special relationship. It is one that is
built to endure.
Now, we reviewed a great many issues, often in considerable depth, and I
want to begin with the peace process. I will let the Prime Minister
obviously speak for himself, but I do not think he would object to my saying
that we agree 100% that our goal goes beyond that of ending the state of
war. What we seek is real peace, codified by treaties, [and] characterized
by reconciliation and openness, including trade and tourism. And it must be
comprehensive peace on all fronts, grounded in UN Security Council
Resolutions 242 and 338, borne of direct negotiations.
Two weeks from now in Washington, representatives of Israel, along with
those of the Palestinians, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon, will resume direct
negotiations launched in Madrid last October. And I am optimistic that
these talks are about to enter a new, more productive phase.
Prime Minister Rabin has persuaded me that Israel's new government is
committed to making these talks succeed. And I call upon the Arab parties
to respond in kind. The time has come to make peace, not simply talk of it.
We also spent time discussing the region at large. It is tragic that so much
of the history of the Middle East is measured by wars. It's a crime to waste
so much of the area's resources--human and material alike--in preparing for
wars or waging them. And it is time these resources were committed to
meeting the needs of people. We thus committed ourselves to work to stem
the proliferation of conventional arms as well as weapons of mass
destruction. And we agreed to work together on behalf of the multilateral
process begun in Moscow earlier this year to promote progress between
Israel and her neighbors on issues ranging from water, the environment,
economic development, to refugees and security.
The Prime Minister and I focused as well on the international situation, and
we agreed that the world must seize the historic opportunity created by
reform in Russia and the other newly independent states. We agreed, too,
that the world must act to bring to an end this humanitarian nightmare that
now exists in what was Yugoslavia.
The Prime Minister and I also devoted a good deal of time to bilateral
issues. And let me say that it's a source of considerable satisfaction to me
to look back on all that has been accomplished just over the last few years.
With the assistance of the United States, Israel has been able to take major
strides in breaking out of its diplomatic isolation. Israel no longer is
stigmatized so unfairly by a UN resolution equating Zionism with racism.
Literally hundreds of thousands of Jews from Ethiopia and from the former
Soviet Union now make their homes in Israel, and this, more than anything
else, is what the Jewish state is all about.
And in this regard, I am extremely pleased to announce that we were able to
reach agreement on the basic principles to govern the granting of up to $10
billion in loan guarantees. I've long been committed to supporting Israel in
the historic task of absorbing immigrants, and I'm delighted that the Prime
Minister and I have agreed to an approach which will assist these new
Israelis without frustrating the search for peace.
We can thus pursue these two humanitarian goals at one and the same time.
And I look forward to sitting down with the congressional leadership and
recommending to them that Congress take swift action on authorizing up to
$10 billion in loan guarantees to facilitate Israeli absorption of immigrants.
Together with the economic reforms the new Israeli Government is
committed to, I am confident that these loan guarantees can make a
considerable contribution--a critical contribution--to Israel's future. And I
would hope that other governments with the means to do so would also
consider extending loan guarantees for this purpose.
I'd like to say one more thing about my time with the Prime Minister. The
meetings were important for what we discussed, but they were also
significant for the tone of the discussions. Our time together can best be
described as a consultation between close friends and strategic partners,
one characterized by trust, warmth, and a commitment to meeting these
common challenges. And this is strategic coop-eration at its very best.
And so, again, let me just end these remarks by saying how much we've
enjoyed having the Rabins visit us at our home here and now, speaking for
all Americans, how much we hope the Prime Minister and his wife will be
regular visitors to the United States
of America.
Prime Minister Rabin:
...Mr. President, let me first thank you
wholeheartedly for the kind and warm hospitality bestowed by Mrs. Bush and
yourself on my wife and me, as well as our colleagues. It has been a real
pleasure to spend with you, with Secretary Baker, General Scowcroft, and
your other colleagues this highly pleasant day. We really appreciate it.
I would also like to thank you for your kind words this morning. Our
exchange of views here included a great number of subjects, both of general
character, dealing with international issues and concerns, [and] specific
bilateral matters. It was done in a constructive and friendly atmosphere for
which we are grateful.
I would like to allude, first, to the human tragedy in Bosnia. We, the Jewish
people, having suffered persecution throughout history, can never remain
indifferent to such tragedies. The killing must stop. And I know that the
United States is now making great efforts toward a solution there. We, on
our part, are trying to contribute as much as we can in humanitarian aid.
Let us hope that those tortured people will find peace.
Mr. President, as you kindly indicated, the basis of the relationship between
Israel and the United States is the unshakable foundation of shared values
and hopes. Our joint commitment to democracy and to freedom stands as a
permanent, solid rock on which a very special relationship is built.
This relationship, which has seen occasional temporary differences . . .
include[s] our strategic cooperation among other important links developed
over many years. We have both reiterated our mutual desire to continue
those links, facing the challenges that lie ahead.
Mr. President, we live through troubled times, reflected also in our region.
We have supported, since the beginning of the Gulf crisis, the United States
and your policy against Saddam Hussein's brutal aggression. The strong
approach taken by the United States during the war greatly contributed to
the regional sense of security and made a positive contribution to Israel's
security as well.
We continue to support a determined policy toward still-existing dangers.
We are committed together, Mr. President, to the pursuit of peace in our
region. The new government in Israel, which I'm privileged to head, will do
its utmost to promote the peace-making efforts begun and co-sponsored by
the United States under the Madrid framework. This framework has been
structured to a great extent on the basis of the Camp David accords and took
into consideration many of Israel's desires.
On our part, we shall do our best to inject new momentum to the
negotiations, both in the bilateral and the multilateral spheres. We shall do
so as much as we can on a continued basis while, of course, scrupulously
preserving Israel's security against all threats.
We will be glad to attend the coming round of the bilateral negotiations in
Washington later this month and through much of the next months. We look
forward to fruitful negotiations with the Jordanian-Palestinian delegation
as well as with the Syrian and the Lebanese delegation. It is our hope that
our counterparts will share our goodwill and openness. The chances for a
better, peaceful future are there. Let us all take advantage of them. We
also look forward to the multilateral negotiation starting anew in
September.
Mr. President, I would like on behalf of my country to express to the United
States and to you, personally, our gratitude for your support to opening the
gates of the former Soviet Union and Ethiopia for the immigration of our
brethren who so wished to [go to] their homeland, Israel. This role will not
be forgotten.
In the same spirit, the United States has supported the idea of absorption of
these immigrants, enabling them to achieve appropriate housing and
employment and rebuild their lives. Your decision now to submit to the
Congress a proposed legislation concerning the loan guarantees is a
significant step in this direction.
We, on our part, are determined to improve our national security toward [a]
more efficient and privatized system for this and other goals that must be
achieved. We have also announced in the basic guidelines of our government
a change in the national priorities toward this direction.
We shall also carry as much as possible of the burden--of the financial
burden of the guarantees so as to lessen any cost to the American taxpayer.
But your readiness to extend it following our discussions means a lot to me
and to Israel. And again, thank you very much. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992
Title: US Humanitarian Assistance To Bosnia-
Hercegovina
Bush
Source: President Bush
Description: Statement released by the White House, Office of the
Press Secretary, Washington, DC
Date: Aug, 13 19928/13/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: E/C Europe
Country: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia-Montenegro,
Yugoslavia (former), Croatia
Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Human Rights,
United Nations
[TEXT]
Last week, the United States proposed that the UN Security Council
authorize all measures necessary to see to it that humanitarian aid is
delivered to the citizens of Bosnia. I welcome today's vote approving a
resolution which does just that. The United States worked hard for this
result. The international community has served notice that the innocent
people caught in this conflict will not be denied the means to survive.
Our hope is to be able to maintain and broaden the relief effort through
cooperation, not only with our partners--the responsible relief agencies and
the United Nations--but also with the parties to the conflict. I call on the
authorities in Belgrade, the leadership of the Bosnian Serbs, and the
Governments of Bosnia and Croatia to give their full cooperation to this
effort. For all concerned, this is surely the preferred way of getting help to
hundreds of thousands of victims.
The international community must be able to reach people trapped by the
fighting. All parties should facilitate immediate and safe access for
international teams to visit cities and areas under siege in order to assess
conditions and relief requirements. We expect full cooperation.
We moved urgently to gain access to all camps, prisons, and detention
centers, as today's UN resolution demands. As a result of the emergency
meeting of the UN Human Rights Commission going on right now, we expect
international inspectors to have unimpeded and continuous access to all
possible camps or centers. Any brutality must be exposed and terminated
and the practitioners held personally accountable for their crimes. The UN
Security Council today also has passed a resolution proposed by the United
States to put war criminals on notice that they will be brought to justice.
We seek and expect the full cooperation of all the parties in uncovering the
facts, identifying those responsible, and bringing an end to acts of
barbarism.
The United States also has taken action on the other initiatives I presented
on August 6. Measures to inhibit a spillover of the conflict are moving
ahead, and we are pressing for agreement in the Conference on Security and
Cooperation in Europe on our proposal to put monitors in other parts of the
former Yugoslavia to discourage human rights abuses and violence.
We also are tightening the economic sanctions imposed by the United
Nations on Serbia. Those responsible for aggression also are responsible for
the damage being done to the Serbian economy by the sanctions.
Finally, I am pleased at the strong bipartisan concern and support we have
received as we grapple with this very complex, very agonizing, and very
dangerous conflict. I would also like to praise those journalists who risk
their lives in the cause of reporting this terrible conflict. We are all
shocked and saddened to learn that one of the latest casualties is ABC
producer David Kaplan.
Today's UN vote marks an important milestone in our response to this human
tragedy. We will continue to work with the international community to end
the violence and relieve the suffering. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992
Title: Unspeakable Savagery In Former Yugoslavia
Bolton
Source: John R. Bolton, Assistant Secretary for
International Organization Affairs
Description: Address before a special session of the UN Human Rights
Commission, Geneva, Switzerland
Date: Aug, 13 19928/13/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: E/C Europe
Country: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia-Montenegro,
Yugoslavia (former), Croatia
Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Human Rights,
United Nations
[TEXT]
The United States of America requested this unprecedented extraordinary
session of the UN Human Rights Commission because, along with many
others, we are appalled at the unspeakable, immoral savagery being
unleashed upon the citizens of what used to be Yugoslavia. Under the UN
Charter, this Commission has a critical moral responsibility to turn the
spotlight of international scrutiny upon the darkness in that land. We are
making use of a new mechanism to convene the Commission on an emergency
basis so that it can address a human rights crisis as it unfolds.
That there are ongoing abuses of human rights in direct violation of
international law is not in doubt. The deliberate targeting of civilians is a
violation of one of the most basic tenets governing the conduct of war, set
forth in a host of international treaties, covenants, and declarations which
condemn--if not criminalize--these vicious acts. We have seen the carnage
being wreaked upon the innocent civilian population of Bosnia as military
forces vie for control in the name of ethnic supremacy. The neighbors of
former Yugoslavia, as well as its several constituent republics, know all too
well the campaign of expulsion being waged in wide swatches of territory,
which has created the largest refugee crisis in Europe since the end of the
Second World War. The policy which its perpetrators chillingly call "ethnic
cleansing" is an abhorrent breach of international human rights standards,
as well as the norms of civilized behavior.
In recent days, we have begun to receive yet even more ominous, profoundly
disturbing reports of camps where people are being systematically abused,
tortured, and even executed. In the name of humanity, we must now exercise
every effort to ensure that the truth sets them free.
Our objectives at this session are simple and direct:
-- An investigation into human rights violations in the republics of the
former Yugoslavia, particularly Bosnia-Hercegovina;
-- A full airing of all charges relating to abuses of human rights and
violations of international law;
-- We want to know who is responsible for such abuses; and
-- To ensure that humanitarian organizations such as the ICRC
[International Committee of the Red Cross] have immediate, unimpeded, and
fully secure access to all victims of the conflict, including those held in
detention.
The United States believes that the most effective way to accomplish this
is to appoint a Special Rapporteur with the highest credentials for
impartiality and thoroughness. This Special Rapporteur, cloaked in the
mandate of this Commission and acting under the authority of the United
Nations, must be granted immediate and unimpeded access by all the parties
to the conflict to all individuals in the former republics of Yugoslavia--
wherever they may be located--who can shed light on what is happening.
After conducting an urgent first-hand investigation, he should immediately
report so that we can consider further, decisive action in the United Nations
as well as by the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. I stress
that we do not view such a UN investigation as supplanting the efforts of
other organizations, particularly those of the International Committee of
the Red Cross or the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. A UN
effort would complement and reinforce such other efforts now being made.
The more light shed, the better.
The United States has submitted a draft resolution to the Human Rights
Commission which we believe should be overwhelmingly endorsed by its
member governments. This resolution is evidence of the uniform repulsion
felt throughout the world and the joint determination that we cannot remain
idle. The speed with which this commission was convened is further proof
of our deep concern and commitment.
I wish to make a direct appeal to the parties in the conflict and to those
who control the weapons. Nothing can come of this violence except more
violence. Political gains obtained through violence can only be maintained
through further violence and repression. Unquestionably, such political
gains and violent territorial changes will never be recognized or sanctified
by civilized persons. Any state enlarged through the bloodshed of innocent
civilians is an international pariah, an outlaw state. The international
community will never accept the redrawing of boundaries by force in
Yugoslavia; the sooner the parties accept this fundamental fact, the sooner
we can turn to peacefully resolving this crisis.
To the perpetrators of the appalling acts now alleged, I say that the
international community took a vow when it realized what had been
committed by Nazism in Europe during the Second World War: "Never again."
The Nuremberg tribunal reaffirmed the principle of individual accountability
for crimes against humanity committed in the name of national or ethnic
groups. The United States is fully prepared to join with others to see that
individuals guilty of violations of international law and human rights
principles are held strictly accountable. We have proposed in the United
Nations a "war crimes" resolution to ensure this accountability; we want to
see it adopted as soon as possible.
Our century has already borne witness to the most ferocious and horrible
violations of human rights. We do not now wish to see this grievous record
augmented as the century draws to a close. We ask the people of Serbia-
Montenegro this simple question: Do they wish to go down in history as
citizens of the last fascist state in Europe?
We are human beings. We recoil in horror and revulsion at the tragedy of
former Yugoslavia. We have a duty to ourselves and to this UN Human Rights
Commission to act now to bring the weight of the international community
to bear against what is being done to the people of that benighted place,
whether Muslim, Croat, Serb, or other ethnic, national, or religious group.
The men of violence must be shown that there is no real, lasting alternative
to peaceful negotiation to solve their differences. Nothing can excuse or
justify the slaughter and misery being heaped upon the innocent people of
the former Yugoslavia. The United States seeks your support for the
adoption of all measures, including a full and immediate investigation, that
will help protect the victims of this tragic conflict and bring it to a speedy
end. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992
Title: UN Human Rights Commission Resolution on the
Former Yugoslavia
UN
Source: United Nations, New York
Description: UN Resolution 1992/S-1/1
Date: Aug, 14 19928/14/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: E/C Europe
Country: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia-Montenegro,
Yugoslavia (former), Croatia
Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Human Rights,
United Nations
[TEXT]
Resolution 1992/S-1/1
"The situation of human rights in the territory of the former Yugoslavia,"
adopted by the UN Commission on Human Rights, Geneva, Switzerland,
(August 14, 1992)
The Commission on Human Rights,
Meeting in a special session,
Guided by the principles embodied in the Charter of the United Nations, the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights,1 the International Covenants on
Human Rights,2 the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms
of Racial Discrimination3 and accepted humanitarian rules, including those
set out in the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 19494 for the protection of
war victims and the Additional Protocols thereto of 1977,5
Guided also by the need to implement the principles set out in the
aforementioned instruments,
Aware of its responsibility to promote and encourage respect for human
rights and fundamental freedoms for all, and resolved to remain vigilant
with regard to violations of human rights wherever they may occur and to
prevent such violations,
Appalled at the continuing reports of widespread, massive and grave
violations of human rights perpetrated within the territory of the former
Yugoslavia, and especially in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including reports of
summary and arbitrary executions, enforced disappearances, torture and
other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, arbitrary arrest and detention,
hostage-taking, lack of due process and lack of respect for the rule of law,
restrictions on freedom of thought, expression and association, deliberate
attacks on non-combatants, hospitals and ambulances, restrictions on
access to food and health care, wanton devastation and destruction of
property, and serious violations of human rights in places of detention,
Expressing its particular abhorrence at the concept and practice of "ethnic
cleansing" in the former Yugoslavia, and especially in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, which at a minimum entails deportations and forcible mass
removal or expulsion of persons from their homes in flagrant violation of
their human rights, and which is aimed at the dislocation or destruction of
national, ethnic, racial or religious groups,
Deeply concerned that the conflict in the former Yugoslavia and deliberate
violations of human rights have resulted in the creation of more than two
and a half million refugees and internally displaced persons and that
conditions conducive to their return in safety and dignity have not been
achieved,
Cognizant of the acute danger that the current conflict and its accompanying
human rights abuses could spread to additional areas of the former
Yugoslavia and of the need to take action to ensure that this does not occur,
Noting the statement by the President of the Security Council on 4 August
1992 concerning reports of the imprisonment and abuse of civilians in
camps, prisons and detention centres within the territory of the former
Yugoslavia, and especially in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which demands that
international organizations, and in particular the International Committee
of the Red Cross, be granted immediate, unimpeded and continued access to
all such places, and which calls on all parties and organizations to make
available to the Council any further information they may possess,
Recalling Security Council resolutions 713 (1991) of 25 September 1991,
721 (1991) of 27 November 1991, 724 (1991) of 15 December 1991, 727
(1992) of 8 January 1992, 740 (1992) of 7 February 1992, 743 (1992) of 21
February 1992, 749 (1992) of 7 April 1992, 752 (1992) of 15 May 1992, 757
(1992) of 30 May 1992, 758 (1992) of 8 June 1992, 760 (1992) of 18 June
1992, 761 (1992) of 29 June 1992, 762 (1992) of 30 June 1992, 764 (1992)
of 13 July 1992, 769 (1992) of 7 August 1992 and 770 (1992) of 13 August
1992,
Recalling that the former Yugoslavia was a party to the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,2 the International Covenant on
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,2 the Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide,6 the Convention against Torture and
Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment,7 and the
International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial
Discrimination,3
Welcoming efforts by the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe
to investigate reports of serious violations of fundamental human rights in
the territory of the former Yugoslavia, and welcoming also the interest of
the Organization of the Islamic Conference,
Noting the statements by parties in the former Yugoslavia expressing their
willingness to cooperate with international observers,
Noting also the resolution adopted by the Subcommission on Prevention of
Discrimination and Protection of Minorities on 13 August 1992, which is
annexed to the present resolution,
1. Condemns in the strongest terms all violations of human rights within
the territory of the former Yugoslavia, and especially in Bosnia and Herze-
govina, and calls upon all parties to cease these violations immediately and
to take all necessary steps to ensure full respect for human rights and
fundamental freedoms and humanitarian law;
2. Condemns absolutely the concept and practice of "ethnic cleansing";
3. Expresses its alarm at all repressive policies and practices directed
against members of particular ethnic groups, and also calls upon all parties
to ensure the protection of the rights of persons belonging to national or
ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities;
4. Calls upon all parties to release immediately all persons arbitrarily
arrested or detained;
5. Demands that the International Committee of the Red Cross be granted
immediate, unimpeded and continued access to all camps, prisons and other
places of detention within the territory of the former Yugoslavia and that
all parties ensure complete safety and freedom of movement for the
International Committee of the Red Cross and otherwise facilitate such
access;
6. Also demands that all parties in the former Yugoslavia extend full
cooperation and protection to the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees and her staff, and to other international humanitarian
organizations and relief workers, in carrying out their efforts to assist
refugees and displaced persons in the former Yugoslavia;
7. Calls upon all parties in the former Yugoslavia to cease immediately the
human rights violations that have produced refugees and displaced persons
and to promote and ensure conditions conducive to their return to their
homes in safety and dignity;
8. Affirms the absolute necessity of ensuring access for humanitarian
assistance to those in need;
9. Reminds all parties that they are bound to comply with their obligations
under international humanitarian law, and in particular the Third Geneva
Convention relating to the treatment of prisoners of war and the Fourth
Geneva Convention relating to the protection of civilian persons in time of
war, of 12 August 1949,8 and the Additional Protocols of 1977 thereto,5
and that persons who commit or order the commission of grave breaches of
the Geneva Conventions or their Additional Protocols are individually
responsible in respect of such breaches;
10. Calls on all parties in the former Yugoslavia to fulfil their obligations
under the provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights,2 the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights,2 the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of
Genocide,6 the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment or Punishment7 and the International Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination;3
11. Affirms that States are to be held accountable for violations of human
rights which their agents commit upon the territory of another State;
12. Requests its Chairman to appoint a special rapporteur to investigate
first-hand the human rights situation in the territory of the former
Yugoslavia, in particular within Bosnia and Herzegovina, and to receive
relevant, credible information on the human rights situation there from
Governments, individuals, intergovernmental and non-governmental
organizations, on a continuing basis, and to avail himself or herself of the
assistance of existing mechanisms of the Commission on Human Rights;
13. Requests the existing mechanisms of the Commission on Human Rights,
in particular the Special Rapporteur on torture, the Special Rapporteur on
summary or arbitrary executions, the representative of the Secretary-
General on internally displaced persons and the Working Group on Arbitrary
Detention, to give urgent attention to the situation in the former Yugoslavia
and to provide, on a continuing basis, their full cooperation, assistance and
findings to the Special Rapporteur, and to accompany the Special Rapporteur
in visiting the former Yugoslavia if he or she should so request;
14. Requests the Special Rapporteur to visit areas of interest in the former
Yugoslavia, and in particular Bosnia and Herzegovina, forthwith and to
report on an urgent basis to the members of the Commission on Human
Rights, providing a preliminary report not later than 28 August 1992 on the
situation of human rights in the former Yugoslavia, including his or her
recommendations for bringing violations to an end and preventing future
violations, and requests the Secretary- General to make the report of the
Special Rapporteur available also to the Security Council;
15. Also requests the Special Rapporteur to report his or her findings and
recommendations to the members of the Commission on Human Rights
periodically thereafter until its next regular session, and to report to the
General Assembly at its forty-seventh session, as well as to the
Commission on Human Rights at its next regular session, under agenda item
12, and requests the Secretary-General to make the reports of the Special
Rapporteur available also to the Security Council;
16. Further requests the Special Rapporteur to gather and compile
systematically information on possible violations of human rights in the
territory of the former Yugoslavia, including those which may constitute
war crimes, and to make this information available to the Secretary-
General, and notes that such information could be of possible future use in
prosecuting violators of international humanitarian law;
17. Requests the Secretary-General to provide all necessary assistance to
the Special Rapporteur to fulfil his or her mandate;
18. Requests all United Nations bodies and the specialized agencies, and
invites Governments and informed intergovernmental and non-governmental
organizations, to provide the Special Rapporteur, through the Centre for
Human Rights, on a continuing basis, with all relevant and accurate
information in their possession on the situation of human rights in the
former Yugoslavia;
19. Demands that all parties in the territory of the former Yugoslavia
cooperate fully with the Special Rapporteur in the implementation of the
present resolution;
20. Requests the Special Rapporteur to take into account and seek to
complement the efforts being undertaken by the Conference on Security and
Cooperation in Europe with respect to the crisis in the former Yugoslavia;
21. Decides to remain seized of the issues.
Annex
The Subcommission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of
Minorities,
Meeting at its forty-fourth session,
Noting the convening of the special session on the former Yugoslavia of the
Commission on Human Rights,
Taking into account that the right to life and other fundamental human
rights are being extensively violated in the former Yugoslavia,
Conscious that the protection of different ethnic and religious groups is at
the core of the mandate of the Subcommission,
1. Expresses its horror at and its total and unqualified condemnation of
policies of so-called "ethnic cleansing", which in the former Yugoslavia has
generated vast displacements of people and large flows of refugees of the
different ethnic groups, and in Bosnia and Herzegovina has affected, in
particular, the Muslim population;
2. Also expresses its deep concern at the existence of detention centres and
allegations of serious human rights violations in those centres;
3. Demands:
(a) That steps be taken on an urgent basis to stop the massive violations
of the right to life and other human rights;
(b) That the policies and practices of so-called "ethnic cleansing" be
immediately brought to an end;
(c) That displaced people be given the opportunity to return to their
homes and that their safety be ensured;
(d) That full reparation be made for losses suffered as a result of the
displacement;
(e) That those responsible for the commission of crimes against peace
and humanity and for war crimes be brought to justice and that steps be
taken as a matter of urgency to this end.
Approved by consensus.
1 General Assembly resolution 217 A (III).
2 General Assembly resolution 2200 A (XXI), annex.
3 General Assembly resolution 2106 A (XX), annex.
4 United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, Nos. 970-973.
5 Ibid., vol. 1125, Nos. 17512 and 17513.
6 General Assembly resolution 260 A (III), annex.
7 General Assembly resolution 39/46, annex.
8 United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, Nos. 972 and 973. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992
Title: US Appalled by Continuing Situation in Bosnia-
Hercegovina
Perkins
Source: Edward J. Perkins, US Permanent Representative to
the United Nations
Description: Address before the UN Security Council, New York City
Date: Aug, 13 19928/13/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: E/C Europe
Country: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia-Montenegro,
Yugoslavia (former)
Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Human Rights,
United Nations
[TEXT]
My government is appalled by the continuing deterioration of the situation in
Bosnia-Hercegovina. The destruction of villages, executions, and
indiscriminate killings continue apace. Belgrade's vile policy of "ethnic
cleansing"--actually ethnic extermination--is only intensifying. We are
witnessing some of the most egregious abuses of human rights that Europe
has seen since World War II, symbolized by the "ethnic cleansing" being
conducted against the innocent victims of this tragedy.
The frustration of UN efforts to get food and medicine to the people of
Bosnia-Hercegovina and the massive starvation and spreading health care
nightmare has prompted the Government of Bosnia-Hercegovina to call upon
the world community to take all necessary measures to ensure the delivery
of humanitarian assistance there.
My government has made it clear that we believe the world community
should do everything necessary, in response to Bosnia-Hercegovina's call, to
ensure the delivery of assistance to the needy there. We stand fully
prepared to do our part in achieving this goal.
The [UN] Security Council has demonstrated today that it, too, shares the
belief that the provision of humanitarian assistance not only is an urgent
humanitarian concern, but [that] it is also an important element of the
effort to restore peace and security in the region. The Security Council also
demanded that barbaric human rights violations must stop. I wish to
emphasize that a conquest of territory will not be tolerated by the
international community.
The Council has also addressed, today, the most troubling of the many
disturbing accounts that are currently coming out of the former Yugoslavia.
We have seen and read reports of detention centers, which have shocked the
world. A recent report of the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) underscores this. I wish to quote a relevant paragraph from that
report.
Following the visits its delegates have conducted during the last few days
to places of detention in Bosnia-Hercegovina, it is evident to the
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) that innocent civilians are
being arrested and subjected to inhumane treatment. Moreover, the
detention of such persons is part of a policy of forced population transfers
carried out on a massive scale and marked by the systematic use of
brutality. Among the long list of methods used are harassment, murder,
confiscation of property, deportation and the taking of hostages--which
reduce individuals to the level of bargaining counters--all in violation of
international humanitarian law.
Whether individual facilities house 5 or 5,000, whether they are controlled
by the government or local forces, the governments and individuals involved
must be held to account for the treatment of all those detained, civilians
and military alike.
The international community demands to know the truth behind these camps
and to see that any and all abuses are brought to an end. As long as human
suffering continues inside Bosnia-Hercegovina, the world will stand ready
to act to alleviate that suffering. Another paragraph from the ICRC report
is relevant. I quote:
ICRC delegates have had only limited access to the republic's various
regions and, despite repeated approaches made in this respect, they have
still not received comprehensive lists of places of detention controlled by
the various parties to the conflict or been notified of persons captured, and
are thus unable to bring help to all the victims. The ICRC has had access to
only a very limited number of prisoners of war, while the places of
detention are crowded with innocent and terrified civilians.
My government views leadership by the United Nations as key to resolving
the humanitarian problems in Bosnia-Hercegovina. We believe that a
continued UN presence there is indispensable. We are ready to work with
the Secretary General and our international partners to take the steps
necessary to make that presence fully effective.
Finally, my government makes a special appeal to all parties to the conflict
to end the massacre that is taking place in Bosnia-Hercegovina and to
cooperate with all humanitarian relief efforts.
We strongly urge all sides to work together through the Conference on
Yugoslavia to find a negotiated settlement to this unfortunate crisis. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992
Title: UN Security Council Resolutions 770 and
771
UN
Source: UN Security Council, United Nations, New York
City
Date: Aug, 13 19928/13/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: E/C Europe
Country: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia-Montenegro,
Yugoslavia (former), Croatia
Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Human Rights,
United Nations
[TEXT]
Resolution 770 (August 13, 1992)
The Security Council,
Reaffirming its resolutions 713 (1991) of 25 September 1991, 721 (1991)
of 27 November 1991, 724 (1991) of 15 December 1991, 727 (1992) of 8
January 1992, 740 (1992) of 7 February 1992, 743 (1992) of 21 February
1992, 749 (1992) of 7 April 1992, 752 (1992) of 15 May 1992, 757 (1992)
of 30 May 1992, 758 (1992) of 8 June 1992, 760 (1992) of 18 June 1992,
761 (1992) of 29 June 1992, 762 (1992) of 30 June 1992, 764 (1992) of 13
July 1992 and 769 (1992) of 7 August 1992,
Noting the letter dated 10 August 1992 from the Permanent Representative
of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the United Nations (S/24401),
Underlining once again the imperative need for an urgent negotiated
political solution to the situation in the Republic of Bosnia and Herze-
govina to enable that country to live in peace and security within its
borders,
Reaffirming the need to respect the sovereignty, territorial integrity and
political independence of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Recognizing that the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina constitutes a
threat to international peace and security and that the provision of
humanitarian assistance in Bosnia and Herzegovina is an important element
in the Council's effort to restore international peace and security in the
area,
Commending the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) for its
continuing action in support of the relief operation in Sarajevo and other
parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Deeply disturbed by the situation that now prevails in Sarajevo, which has
severely complicated UNPROFOR's efforts to fulfil its mandate to ensure the
security and functioning of Sarajevo airport and the delivery of
humanitarian assistance in Sarajevo and other parts of Bosnia and
Herzegovina pursuant to resolutions 743 (1992), 749 (1992), 761 (1992) and
764 (1992) and the reports of the Secretary-General cited therein,
Dismayed by the continuation of conditions that impede the delivery of
humanitarian supplies to destinations within Bosnia and Herzegovina and the
consequent suffering of the people of that country,
Deeply concerned by reports of abuses against civilians imprisoned in
camps, prisons and detention centres,
Determined to establish as soon as possible the necessary conditions for the
delivery of humanitarian assistance wherever needed in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, in conformity with resolution 764 (1992),
Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations,
1. Reaffirms its demand that all parties and others concerned in Bosnia and
Herzegovina stop the fighting immediately;
2. Calls upon States to take nationally or through regional agencies or
arrangements all measures necessary to facilitate in coordination with the
United Nations the delivery by relevant United Nations humanitarian
organizations and others of humanitarian assistance to Sarajevo and
wherever needed in other parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina;
3. Demands that unimpeded and continuous access to all camps, prisons and
detention centres be granted immediately to the International Committee of
the Red Cross and other relevant humanitarian organizations and that all
detainees therein receive humane treatment, including adequate food,
shelter and medical care;
4. Calls upon States to report to the Secretary-General on measures they
are taking in coordination with the United Nations to carry out this
resolution, and invites the Secretary-General to keep under continuous
review any further measures that may be necessary to ensure unimpeded
delivery of humanitarian supplies;
5. Requests all States to provide appropriate support for the actions
undertaken in pursuance of this resolution;
6. Demands that all parties and others concerned take the necessary
measures to ensure the safety of United Nations and other personnel engaged
in the delivery of humanitarian assistance;
7. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the Council on a periodic
basis on the implementation of this resolution;
8. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.
VOTE: 12 in favor; none opposed;
3 abstentions (China, India, Zimbabwe).
Resolution 771 (August 13, 1992 )
The Security Council,
Reaffirming its resolutions 713 (1991) of 25 September 1991, 721 (1991)
of 27 November 1991, 724 (1991) of 15 December 1991, 727 (1992) of 8
January 1992, 740 (1992) of 7 February 1992, 743 (1992) of 21 February
1992, 749 (1992) of 7 April 1992, 752 (1992) of 15 May 1992, 757 (1992)
of 30 May 1992, 758 (1992) of 8 June 1992, 760 (1992) of 18 June 1992,
761 (1992) of 29 June 1992, 762 (1992) of 30 June 1992, 764 (1992) of 13
July 1992, 769 (1992) of 7 August 1992 and 770 (1992) of 13 August 1992,
Noting the letter dated 10 August 1992 from the Permanent Representative
of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the United Nations
(S/24401),
Expressing grave alarm at continuing reports of widespread violations of
international humanitarian law occurring within the territory of the former
Yugoslavia and especially in Bosnia and Herzegovina including reports of
mass forcible expulsion and deportation of civilians, imprisonment and
abuse of civilians in detention centres, deliberate attacks on non-
combatants, hospitals and ambulances, impeding the delivery of food and
medical supplies to the civilian population, and wanton devastation and
destruction of property,
Recalling the statement of the President of the Council of 4 August 1992
(S/24378),
1. Reaffirms that all parties to the conflict are bound to comply with their
obligations under international humanitarian law and in particular the
Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and that persons who commit or
order the commission of grave breaches of the Conventions are individually
responsible in respect of such breaches;
2. Strongly condemns any violations of international humanitarian law,
including those involved in the practice of "ethnic cleansing";
3. Demands that all parties and others concerned in the former Yugoslavia,
and all military forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina, immediately cease and
desist from all breaches of international humanitarian law including from
actions such as those described above;
4. Further demands that relevant international humanitarian organizations,
and in particular the International Committee of the Red Cross, be granted
immediate, unimpeded and continued access to camps, prisons and detention
centres within the territory of the former Yugoslavia and calls upon all
parties to do all in their power to facilitate such access;
5. Calls upon States and, as appropriate, international humanitarian
organizations to collate substantiated information in their possession or
submitted to them relating to the violations of humanitarian law, including
grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions, being committed in the territory
of the former Yugoslavia and to make this information available to the
Council;
6. Requests the Secretary-General to collate the information submitted to
the Council under paragraph 5 and to submit a report to the Council
summarizing the information and recommending additional measures that
might be appropriate in response to the information;
7. Decides, acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations,
that all parties and others concerned in the former Yugoslavia, and all
military forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina, shall comply with the provisions
of the present resolution, failing which the Council will need to take further
measures under the Charter;
8. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.
VOTE: Unanimous (15-0). (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992
Title: US Position and Proposed Actions Concerning the
Yugoslav Crisis
Niles
Source: Thomas M.T. Niles, Assistant Secretary for European
and Canadian Affairs
Description: Statement before the Senate Armed Services Committee,
Washington, DC
Date: Aug, 11 19928/11/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: E/C Europe
Country: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia-Montenegro,
Yugoslavia (former), Croatia
Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Human Rights,
United Nations
[TEXT]
Mr. Chairman, now more than 1 year old, the Yugoslav crisis has come to
dominate foreign policy news. The images and the reporting from that
unhappy land remind us of past tragedies in Europe and pose serious
questions about the nature of post-Cold War Europe.
From the outset of the crisis, in June 1991, the United States has taken a
leading role in seeking to find a peaceful solution while deterring Serbian
aggression and providing urgently needed humanitarian relief. Today, I
would like briefly to review our position and outline the actions we propose
to take, particularly as regards the humanitarian nightmare in Bosnia-
Hercegovina.
In his August 6 statement, the President laid out a six-point program which
we are following.
-- We are working, through a new UNSC [UN Security Council] resolution, to
ensure, through the use of all necessary means, the delivery of humanitarian
aid and the opening of any and all detention centers to international
inspection and the guarantee of proper treatment, medical care, and
nourishment of those detained.
-- We are establishing immediately full diplomatic relations with Bosnia-
Hercegovina, Croatia, and Slovenia, further to support their governments.
-- We are working with the international community to place monitors in
neighboring states to help assure strict compliance with the UN sanctions
against Serbia-Montenegro.
-- We are engaging in preventative diplomacy to preclude the conflict from
spreading into Kosovo, Vojvodina, the Sandzak area, or Macedonia.
-- We are proposing that the international community place monitors in
neighboring states to limit the risk of the conflict spreading.
-- And we are consulting with our allies in NATO on all aspects of the
crisis and how NATO might be of assistance to the United Nations.
Our experience over the past year has shown that none of this will be easy.
The determination of [Serbian] President Milosevic to create "greater
Serbia," despite the cost in lives and property and the devastation of
Serbia's economy, poses an enormous challenge to the international
community. We must be firm in our refusal to accept the results of the
Serbian aggression and, working with our allies, stand for the rule of law
and respect for human rights.
Delivering humanitarian aid to the people of Bosnia-Hercegovina is proving
to be a major challenge. Fighting continues to disrupt aid deliveries. On
August 4, UNPROFOR [UN Protective Force] had to shut down the Sarajevo
airlift because of heavy fighting. Fortunately, it reopened on August 8, but
no one can predict when renewed fighting will force it to close again. On
August 5, UNPROFOR had to halt a land convoy on the outskirts of Sarajevo
because of security concerns--this was only the second sizeable convoy
attempted recently. And we have seen repeated, failed attempts to get
international aid to Gorazde and other besieged Bosnian cities. As we plan
ahead--and we must--we see winter coming: a further serious complication
with as many as
2 million refugees on the move in former Yugoslavia. Many of the land
routes we would like to use now--but can't because of fighting--will, in
addition, be blocked by snow. Many refugees who can survive outdoors today
cannot survive in freezing temperatures, which start about November, so
there is considerable urgency in this situation.
Because of continued fighting now, because the conditions for aid delivery
may worsen, and because we know we will face enormous problems from
the weather, we need to be prepared for the worst contingencies. Obviously,
we hope that conditions can be created to enable us to deliver humanitarian
supplies without the use of force. However, our experience to date
indicates that more may be needed to demonstrate the determination of the
world community to aid the people of Bosnia in this difficult time. Thus, as
President Bush a nnounced August 6, we are working with our allies and
other members of the UN Security Council to secure a new UN Security
Council resolution which would authorize the use of all necessary measures
to deliver humanitarian aid. We hope we will obtain a consensus quickly
which will allow us to proceed with the necessary planning and deliveries.
We are also seeking as part of that resolution a demand for access to any
and all detention centers in the former Yugoslavia by the ICRC [International
Committee of the Red Cross] and other neutral humanitarian organizations.
As a matter of principle, it is absolutely vital to reveal the truth. And this
applies equally to all sides. The Serbs, again, appear to be the primary, but
probably not the sole, abusers. This is part of a consistent pattern of
Serbian abuses of the human rights of other groups, whether in Kosovo, in
Croatia, or in Bosnia.
On August 4, we proposed and we obtained a statement by the President of
the Security Council which endorsed our demand for access to all detention
facilities and reminded those involved that they may well be held
individually responsible for breaches of the Geneva Conventions. Adoption
of the proposed resolution would strengthen that demand.
In dealing with these urgent problems, we need to use every means
available. Thus, [on] Wednesday, we called for an emergency extraordinary
meeting of the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva to look at our
intelligence, to discuss the gross human rights violations, and to strengthen
our demands for access to the camps. We expect this meeting, which is
scheduled for August 14, to produce concrete steps. We have also called on
the CSCE [Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe] to invoke the
appropriate measure of the CSCE Human Dimension Mechanism and on the
CSCE Committee of Senior Officers to hold an emergency meeting on the
Bosnian crisis, and we hope a meeting will take place this week. Both of
these would expedite the process of looking into the situation.
The approval of these proposals, in particular the Security Council
resolution announced by President Bush on August 6, would represent a
significant escalation of the pressure against the Milosevic regime. We
hope that the message of the international community will break through to
the people of Serbia. As President Bush made clear, we do not want--and I
am certain you do not want--to be forced to join our allies in using military
force to deliver humanitarian supplies to suffering people of Bosnia-
Hercegovina. I want to underscore to you that this Administration will do
everything in its power to achieve our objectives without using force.
However, if necessary, under the conditions and for the purpose the
President has stated, we are prepared to do so. Let me now review what we
are doing in the various areas involved in this crisis.
Humanitarian Relief. Over 2.2 million Bosnian citizens have been forcibly
displaced. Half a million are outside Bosnia. The displaced are largely non-
Serbs; they amount to over one-fourth of the total population of Bosnia and
over 40% of Bosnia's non-Serb population.
On July 29, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Mrs. Sadako Ogata,
convened an international conference on the former Yugoslavia in Geneva.
The conference discussed the dimensions and resource requirements
associated with the relief problem and shared views on creating a
framework for the treatment of the displaced. The United States has been
heavily engaged in humanitarian relief and refugee aid, working through
international organizations. We do not limit assistance to individual
countries or regions of the former Yugoslavia but provide it for use as
needed by the recipient organizations.
The crisis will continue for the foreseeable future. We are currently
identifying quantities of additional food, medicines, and other humanitarian
assistance that can be sent to the region in the mid- and long-term. We
continue to work with the G-24 [Group of 24] and multilateral organizations
to assure that our efforts are well-directed and reach those most in need.
The G-24 countries met July 27 in Brussels to discuss the crisis and the
need for more aid to the refugees. Total G-24 contributions to date are
$472 million, including $254 million in new pledges since July 1. The
United States has pledged a total of $53 million.
The Sarajevo airlift, when it is in operation, delivers an average of 200
metric tons per day, but this does not help Bosnians outside Sarajevo. The
airlift must eventually be replaced by land convoys to reach more of these
people in need. Fighting and instability have, thus far, effectively ruled out
unprotected overland deliveries, however, and some besieged cities such as
Gorazde and Tuzla have been cut off for months. Urgent additional efforts
are clearly required.
Sanctions. The international community is working further to tighten
enforcement of the UN sanctions, which are having a significant impact on
the economies of Serbia and Montenegro. We attribute a significant part of
the recent drop in production in Serbia and Montenegro to the sanctions.
Regarding monitoring, in addition to the NATO/WEU [Western European Union]
monitoring effort in the Adriatic, we are pushing for a similar multilateral
initiative on the Danube. We have received good support from Romania, and
we are working closely with Romania to ensure full implementation of the
sanctions, including the dispatch of international observers to that country.
CSCE Initiatives. Following the June visit of a CSCE rapporteur mission to
Kosovo, the CSCE has sent a similar mission, beginning August 2, to the
Serbian regions of Sandzak and Vojvodina as well as a second visit to
Kosovo. President Bush, in his August 6 statement, called for action in the
CSCE to make the presence of these missions permanent, and we are
following up on that aspect. The United States has taken the lead in urging
the CSCE community to investigate human rights abuses in Serbia and make
clear the international community's concern. As I mentioned earlier, we are
pressing for a new CSCE initiative to send missions to Bosnia and Croatia to
investigate abuses there.
We are also considering other ways of using CSCE mechanisms to help
prevent the conflict from spreading to other areas, and we will be advancing
our ideas in coming days and weeks.
Diplomatic Initiatives. We have made clear that Serbia and Montenegro
cannot and will not be accepted into the community of nations, regardless of
what they call themselves, so long as they do not reverse their aggression
and barbarous behavior. We have taken the lead on this effort in the
international community, and we have succeeded in gaining wide support for
our position that:
-- We do not accept Serbia and Montenegro as the continuation of the
former Yugoslavia;
-- We do not support their maintaining the former Yugoslavia's
memberships in international organizations; and
-- We insist they must apply as new members to such organizations while
meeting all the relevant criteria for joining.
We are continuing to encourage all parties to use the existing negotiating
forums, in particular the EC [European Community] peace talks, to resolve
the many outstanding issues that need to be addressed before peace and
stability can be restored. We strongly support and plan to participate at a
high level in the August 26-28 conference in London that is being convened
by Britain in its capacity as [the] EC presidency country.
Diplomatic Relations. We recognized the independence of Slovenia, Croatia,
and Bosnia-Hercegovina in April. President Bush announced August 6 that
we will establish full diplomatic relations with all three and open
embassies in each capital as soon as possible.
As far as Macedonia is concerned, we have stated repeatedly that the
principles of democracy and freedom and the need for stability in the region
require a rapid resolution of the outstanding issues between Greece, a
friend and ally, and Macedonia. We take seriously Greece's concerns on this
question. We also recognize that Macedonia has suffered severe economic
hardship as a result of both sanctions and an influx of refugees. The
question of recognition will not preclude us from providing humanitarian
and other assistance to Macedonia.
Our future relations with Serbia and Montenegro will depend on the actions
taken by those in power in Belgrade. We have no quarrel with the Serbian
people. We are working for concrete measures to stop the fighting and to
bring this tragedy to a peaceful conclusion.
Spillover
This crisis so far has afflicted only areas within the former Yugoslavia, but
there is no guarantee it will not spread further. We are particularly
concerned that the formerly autonomous Serbian province of Kosovo, whose
population is more than 90% Albanian, may be the next focus of violence and
unrest. It was in Kosovo that the crisis began 3 years ago with Serbian
revocation of Kosovo's long-standing autonomy and the beginning of massive
human rights violations. Given the sensitivity of this issue in neighboring
Albania, the potential for serious trouble is clear. The heavily ethnic
Hungarian province of Vojvodina in northern Serbia--also formerly
autonomous--is also tense, and our Hungarian friends are increasingly
worried about potential spillover. In addition to the visits of the CSCE
observer mission, we are pressing for the dispatch of CSCE observers to be
stationed on the borders of countries neighboring Serbia.
Conclusion
We have taken a series of strong and measured steps intended to exert the
influence and pressure available to us and to make clear, in concert with the
international community, our total condemnation of what has occurred and
our view that Belgrade is overwhelmingly responsible for it. We will do our
utmost with the assets we have to change the situation, in particular
through changes in Belgrade.
For, ultimately, this crisis will end only when the Serbian people act on the
realization that their leaders have led them into catastrophe. Until then, we
will play an increasingly active role in aiding suffering people of Bosnia and
the hundreds of thousands of other people displaced by the conflict. We will
also remain actively engaged in efforts to prevent the conflict from further
destabilizing the region and Europe as a whole. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992
Title: Iraq's Continued Defiance Of the
United Nations
Perkins
Source: Edward J. Perkins, US Permanent Representative To
the United Nations
Description: Statement before the UN Security Council, New York City
Date: Aug, 11 19928/11/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa
Country: Iraq
Subject: United Nations
[TEXT]
Mr. President, it is evident from the statement we have just heard that Iraq
is in clear and direct violation of UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR)
688, which requires Iraq to end repression of its citizens and allow
humanitarian organizations access to all of those in need.
Saddam Hussein has long relied on fear and repression to govern Iraq,
maintaining what can truly be described as a reign of terror. The full scope
of his brutalities has yet to be revealed, but what is known is a clear
indictment of his practices.
Saddam is guilty of human rights abuses throughout the country and
involving every ethnic and religious group. We believe it appropriate for the
Security Council to address these wider issues as well as the violations
cited by [Ambassador Max] Van der Stoel in his remarks to the Council.
Saddam is also obstructing the work of those who seek to help the people of
Iraq. His government has refused to issue visas to replacements for UN
guards who have rotated out of the country. Those who remain are being
harassed constantly. These guards perform an essential job--besides
providing a measure of protection for UN personnel and equipment, they are
an important symbol of the UN's humanitarian commitment in Iraq. If we
accept that Iraq can control the entry of UN personnel by denying visas, Iraqi
intransigence could reduce the number to 127 UN guards of a needed
contingent of 500 1 week from today. With a reduced number of UN guards,
and with UN personnel unable to travel between Baghdad and the north, the
Iraqi Government could increase its harassment of groups throughout the
country that rely on the UN presence to care for their humanitarian needs.
In recent months, we have witnessed a resurgence of the Iraqi regime's
cruel treatment of its citizens in the north. I would like to cite just a few
examples.
-- In the north, Saddam last week closed three key checkpoints into
Kurdistan to humanitarian aid, petroleum products or people, including UN
personnel. In addition, Iraq is refusing to sell fuel to humanitarian
organizations. The blockade and inadequate fuel supplies are seriously
hampering relief operations. Saddam has not paid government workers in
the north since last October.
-- On the eve of local elections in northern Iraq, three bombs were
discovered in Zakho, including a car bomb in front of a hotel housing Western
journalists and election observers.
-- On June 30, Iraq refused to renew the Memorandum of Understanding on
UN activities in Iraq.
-- In early July, there were grenade and bomb attacks against UN offices in
northern Iraq, including against UN guard headquarters.
Events in southern Iraq show an equally heinous disregard for human rights
of the Iraqi people. In southern Iraq last year, observers reported
that government troops indiscriminately fired on civilians and hanged some
from the barrels of tanks. Government forces damaged mosques and
desecrated tombs, razed residential areas around the mosques to create
fire-free zones for security units, and banned access to cemeteries.
Recently, the government intensified its attacks against Shi'a civilians,
possibly to compensate for its inability to eliminate insurgent groups based
in the southern marshes. Iraqi commanders recently were ordered to
destroy Shi'a villages and kill their occupants. A videotape shows Iraq's
prime minister ordering government commanders to "wipe out" three marsh
Arab tribes. Rural Shi'a villages are often shelled, as are residential areas
near Shi'a cities such as An Nasiriyah. Numerous settlements have been
abandoned as villagers either flee the fighting or are forcibly relocated.
During a recent offensive, government forces destroyed more than 45
dwellings in settlements such as Sayqal and Wadiyah.
Reports coming from southern Iraq say that a government offensive in April
produced more than 1,000 casualties, and hundreds of families reportedly
fled into the marshes after their homes were set on fire. Fixed-wing
aircraft, including sophisticated fighter-bombers and helicopter gunships,
were used to strafe villages and other portions of the marshes. The
government has begun executing civilians accused of supporting the rebels.
Baghdad has severely limited the number of relief workers in the south
because they could monitor the regime's abuses. Baghdad has refused to
renew visas for relief workers. In April, the government authorized the
removal of Shi'a villages living in or near the southern marshes. This
operation is reminiscent of the "anfal operations" [Operation Anfal]--Iraq's
forced relocation of thousands of Kurds in the 1980s.
Since the uprising, Saddam also has increased the level of economic
pressure on the south. The government maintains a virtual economic
embargo against the Shi'as by diverting most goods and services to Iraq's
Sunni community. Saddam has refused to reconstruct water and sewage
treatment facilities in the south, even though such facilities have been
repaired elsewhere in Iraq.
Nor have the Iraqi citizens of Baghdad and other areas in central Iraq
escaped the repression of the Saddam Hussein regime. Government
manipulation and control of incoming food and medical supplies plus
unrestrained printing of currency by the Iraq Central Bank have contributed
to escalating prices for basic commodities. The response of the Baghdad
regime was to execute merchants, more often than not Sunni Arabs who have
been loyal supporters. Obviously, the regime represses ruthlessly any sign
of dissent.
In his most cruel hoax, Saddam Hussein has blamed the number of
malnourished Iraqis on the UN sanctions rather than the Iraqi military and
his own policies of repression.
Mr. President and members of the Council, Mr. Van der Stoel has
dramatically highlighted the plight of the Iraqi people. One of the most
serious new developments is the use of fixed-wing aircraft, including jet
fighters, for the first time in bombing Shi'a villages in the southern
marshes.
Unfortunately, we have no reason to hope for amelioration of the situation
under the cruel regime of Saddam Hussein. Instead, we have reason to
believe that additional villages will be attacked, bombed, and destroyed, and
civilian casualties will rise. Baghdad's opposition to relief efforts
throughout the country, moreover, will deny the means to care for the
wounded and the displaced.
In 1991, the Council condemned the repression of the Iraqi civilian
population in many parts of Iraq, including in the Kurdish populated areas,
finding it a threat to international peace and security. At that time, the US
Government and other governments concluded the situation was so serious
and Iraqi intransigence so manifest that additional measures had to be taken
to help prevent further Iraqi repression of the civilian population. Now, not
only in the north but also in the south of Iraq, that situation exists.
It is imperative that Iraq, without further delay and deception, abide by all
relevant UN Security Council Resolutions, including UNSCR 688, end its
economic blockade of the north and south, renew the UN humanitarian
program in Iraq, and cease its repression in the southern marshes. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992
Title: The Cuban Democracy Act and
US Policy Toward Cuba
Gelbard
Source: Robert S. Gelbard, Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary for Inter-American Affairs
Description: Statement before the Subcommittee on Trade of the House
Ways and Means Committee, Washington, DC
Date: Aug, 10 19928/10/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Caribbean
Country: Cuba
Subject: Democratization, Human Rights, Trade/Economics
[TEXT]
Mr. Chairman, I appreciate this opportunity to review with you US policy
toward Cuba and our views on the Cuban Democracy Act (HR 5323). I
commend the thorough review Congress has given this legislation. As you
are aware, last week, I testified before the Subcommittee for Western
Hemisphere and Peace Corps Affairs of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee and, in April, before the House Foreign Affairs Committee. This
has been a truly bipartisan effort. On behalf of the Administration, I would
like to thank you and the bill's sponsors for considering our views on how
best to bring democracy to Cuba.
I understand that your interests are in the trade provisions of the Cuban
Democracy Act, and I welcome a full discussion of these issues. However,
I would like to begin by putting the legislation into the context of US policy
toward Cuba.
A Successful Policy
In the last few years, our policy has succeeded in helping to significantly
diminish Cuban support for insurgency abroad and terminate Cuba's special
relationship with the former Soviet Union. Today, Cuba stands alone. No
government has stretched out a hand to stop the inevitable decay and
disappearance of the Cuban dictatorship. No government has attempted to
replace the former Soviet Union's military and political ties with Cuba--
quite the contrary. Russia's relation- ship with Cuba has withered to the
point that it now has little inclination to support Cuban intransigence.
Cuba's position in the world community and at home is far different from
what it was only a few years ago. Today, leaders around the world are
pressing the Castro regime to adopt representative democracy and end its
repression of human rights. In Madrid--as in Guadalajara--Castro's vision
was rejected by his Latin American colleagues. A few weeks ago, at the
Ibero-American summit, the leaders of Latin America, Spain, and Portugal
made it clear to Castro they wanted change in Cuba when they called for
"representative" democracy in the final communique. Not Cuban-style
"democracy" but a true democracy in which the people of Cuba freely elect
their leaders and democratic institutions give legitimacy to a successor
government.
The UN Human Rights Commission has called on Cuba to stop abuses of
human rights. The Russian ambassador to Geneva hosted Cuban human rights
activists during last year's Commission meeting in Geneva, and Russia voted
in that Commission to send a Special UN Rapporteur to Cuba to investigate
the human rights situation there. Sadly, the Castro regime has refused to
allow a UN review of its human rights record. Rather, it has continued to
subject those who disagree with the regime to mob attack and arbitrary
arrest.
Today, Cuba's attempts to establish productive relations with the successor
states of the former Soviet Union are little more than cosmetic posturing
and do little to conceal the final and irreversible removal of the residue of
Soviet power in Cuba. Soviet--now Russian--troops are leaving Cuba.
Soviet--now Russian--technical advisers, once estimated at 8,000, now can
be counted in the hundreds. All economic aid and subsidized trade, which
peaked at an estimated $5 billion a year, have ended. Total two-way trade
between Russia and Cuba in 1992 may amount to an estimated $500 mil-lion
compared to $8.7 billion in 1989.
The withdrawal of support from the former Soviet Union and, now, Russia
means that Cuba can no longer support insurgency abroad. Just a few short
years ago, Cuba had 50,000 troops in Africa. They now number in the
hundreds. Namibia is independent and democratic. Cuban troops are out of
Angola, and it is not controlled by a Marxist-Leninist regime. Cuban troops
have left Ethiopia and Somalia. Cuba has little influence in Africa. The
same is true for Latin America. There is peace in Central America. Castro
lost the election to [Nicaraguan President] Violeta Chamorro just as surely
as did Daniel Ortega. The peace settlement in El Salvador was the death
knell for Cuban-style communism in Latin America.
The significantly diminished Cuban support for insurgency and the demise of
Cuba's symbiotic relationship with the Soviet Union did not just happen. It
happened because of a strong and active Bush Administration policy to
discourage Soviet--and later Russian--support for Cuba. President Bush and
Secretary Baker wasted no words in letting [Soviet] President Gorbachev
and, subsequently, [Russian] President Yeltsin know that we expected Soviet
military and economic support to Cuba to end. President Gorbachev took the
unprecedented measure of announcing to the world--without first advising
the Cubans --that Soviet troops would be withdrawn from Cuba. President
Yeltsin followed this initiative by terminating subsidized oil shipments to
Cuba, by slashing military aid, and by placing aid projects on a commercial
basis.
Cuba Today
In 1989, could anyone have predicted that Castro, who once deplored
tourism, would, in 1992, be frantically struggling to keep Cuba's fragile
economy afloat by begging for Western investment in tourism? Could
anyone have told us that the Cuban economy would shrink by 50%, that
Cubans would be reduced to bicycles and oxen as their principal modes of
transportation, or that Cuba's military machine would be degraded? Cuba can
no longer project its power abroad. Perhaps up to half its MiGs are
mothballed, many tanks and artillery are in storage and, to save fuel, anti-
aircraft guns are being towed by troops pedaling oversized tricycles. Cuba's
self-proclaimed victories abroad must be ashes in the mouths of those who
must till the field and harvest potatoes rather than sow the seeds of
revolution.
Cuba's economic collapse--for in truth that is what we are witnessing--is
happening for four reasons:
-- The termination of Cuba's economic relationship with the former Soviet
empire;
-- The refusal of Fidel Castro to adapt to the wave of democracy that has
swept the world. The Cuban economy--like its political system--cannot
survive in isolation;
-- Our long-standing American policy of economic and political isolation of
Cuba; [and]
-- Our firm and clear policy on the administration and enforcement of the
embargo of Cuba.
The future is in the hands of the Cuban people. Will Cuba choose to join the
democratic countries of this hemisphere? Will Cuba regain its economic
health and political freedom? These choices must be made by the Cuban
people. No matter how much we might want to see a peaceful democratic
transition in Cuba, the decision is not ours to make. We can help promote
change, but we cannot make the changes. We can suggest what measures
might result in a better future for Cuba's children, but we cannot carry out
these changes.
The Cuban Democracy Act
The Cuban Democracy Act is not a change of policy. It embodies many of the
measures the Administration has taken to bring about a peaceful democratic
transition in Cuba. It calls for political and economic isolation of Cuba.
This is what we are doing and have been doing for over 30 years. It calls for
a dynamic program of convincing other governments not to help Cuba. The
continued exclusion of Cuba from the OAS [Organization of American States],
the refusal of any country to replace Cuba's lost trade and aid, and the
collapse of the Cuban economy are all testimonies to the success of our
effort. It calls for progressively scaling back our isolation of Cuba if the
government undertakes free and fair elections. And, finally, it calls for
reintegration of Cuba into this hemisphere once it is truly democratic. This,
too, is our policy.
In his April 18 statement on the bill, President Bush stated that he endorsed
"the objectives of this legislation to isolate Cuba until democratic change
comes to that embattled island." He also made clear his commitment to
working with the Congress to pass a stronger, more effective Cuban
Democracy Act which tightens the embargo and closes any unintentional
loopholes that could benefit the Castro regime, while preserving the proper
constitutional prerogatives of the Congress and the President.
In my testimony before the House Foreign Affairs Committee on April 8,
1992, I said that we share the vision of peaceful democratic change in Cuba
with the sponsors of the Cuban Democracy Act. On that occasion, I also
pointed out that the Administration differed not with the overall goal but
with certain aspects of the strategy. I asked Congress to work with us to
resolve these differences in approach. Today, I am pleased to be able to tell
you that the Bush Administration supports the new House and Senate
versions of the Cuban Democracy Act.
In my April 8 testimony, I cited the two provisions of the original House
version of the Cuban Democracy Act which needed to be revised in order to
reflect properly the prerogatives of the Congress and the President. We also
suggested language that would close unintentional loopholes that could
benefit Cuba in the areas of telecommunications and humanitarian
shipments. In both cases, congressional leaders, the sponsors, and the State
Department were able to work together to successfully resolve their
differences. These changes are reflected in the legislation which you are
considering today. We understand that there are discussions with [the]
Treasury [Department] to resolve differences over the tax provision (Section
6 (b) (1) ).
As with any project--especially with a legislative initiative of this
magnitude--there are bound to be differences. However, with the expected
resolution of the tax issue, none of the remaining issues should delay
enactment of this legislation.
We are pleased that this legislation provides Treasury with civil penalty
authority so that it may impose administrative fines for less serious
violations of the embargo. We believe that the enforcement procedures are
somewhat cumbersome and that the categories of travel exempted from
civil penalties under the proposed legislation could permit a greater flow of
travel funds to Cuba. Also, we would prefer that the provision on vessels
(Section 6 (c) ) reflect the President's April 18 statement which prohibits
entry into US ports of vessels that are engaged in trade with Cuba.
There has been a good deal of debate on the provision to ban trade with Cuba
by US subsidiaries located in foreign countries. It is Treasury's practice to
license subsidiaries of US firms located abroad to trade with Cuba if no US
funds are involved and if the final product is of less than 20% US content.
The proposed legislation would revoke Treasury's licensing authority in this
area. Our allies object to this provision and have told us that they will
impose blocking legislation, which could hurt US companies.
Although modifications to the bill would make it even stronger, we support
it as it stands. We believe this bill is important because it will make a
statement to the Castro regime. Now, when the regime faces its most
serious crisis, the Cuban leadership must understand that this is a
bipartisan policy which enjoys the full support of the people of the United
States, the Congress, and the Administration.
What's in the Future?
I commend the sponsors of the Cuban Democracy Act for their vision of a
free and democratic Cuba. The legislation is clearly designed to promote
change by providing incentives which will help the Cuban people undertake
the huge job of regenerating a crippled economy and formulating a strategy
to develop the basic documents that will govern their lives. For example,
Section 7 permits the US Government to provide food and medicines to Cuba
if the Cuban Government commits to elections in 6 months, respects human
rights, and is not supporting insurgency abroad. This provision will help
democracy get a start in Cuba, because it allows us to help once it is clear
that the Cuban Government is committed to universal standards of human
rights and democracy. Section 8 goes much further. It lists the actions we
are prepared to take if the Cuban Government has held free and fair
elections with opposition parties and free press, undertaken constitutional
reform to establish a representative democracy, and is moving toward a
free market economy. These measures include steps toward ending the
embargo and opening negotiations for a trade and investment framework
agreement, as we have done with other countries in Latin America and the
Caribbean. In short, we are ready to help Cuba become a full and prosperous
member of the world community. In my view, these provisions are really
the heart of the Cuban Democracy Act, because they provide enormous
encouragement to the Cuban people to strive toward a democratic system.
Neither this bill nor US policy is designed to hurt the Cuban people. Our
mutual objective is freedom: freedom for the Cuban people to choose their
leaders, to speak out freely, [and] to join the rest of Latin America in a truly
democratic hemisphere. We know this will happen. But we are impatient;
we want it to happen now. There has been too much suffering and loss.
Families have been split apart--sons and daughters lost at sea--and those
who remain behind are left without a future. It is time for a change. Cubans
do not want "Socialism or Death," Castro's slogan. They want a voice in
running their government so that they can meet together without fear of jail
or beatings. It is time that the Cuban people were given back their voice,
their vote, and the future of their country. When this time comes, we stand
ready to stretch out a hand to help rebuild Cuba. Our help and that of the
world community will be given to foster democracy and human rights, not
[to] succor a failing dictatorship. We hope that our policy, and this bill, will
contribute to the long-sought goal of a free and democratic Cuba. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992
Title: Prohibiting the Import and Export Of Chinese
Prison Labor Products
Kanter
Source: Arnold Kanter, Under Secretary for Political
Affairs
Description: Statement at the signing of the Chinese Prison Labor
Memorandum of Understanding, Washington, DC
Date: Aug, 7 19928/7/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: East Asia
Country: China
Subject: Trade/Economics, Human Rights
[TEXT]
Vice Foreign Minister Liu, ladies and gentlemen, I am very pleased to be here
today with you, Vice Minister Liu, to sign this memorandum of understanding
[MOU] between our two countries on prohibiting import and export trade in
prison labor products.
Last summer, President Bush charged the Department of State with
negotiating this memorandum to facilitate implementation of US laws
which ban the importation of prison-made products. Noting both its own
rules against such trade and its respect for US laws and regulations, the
Chinese side responded positively to our request for discussions. During
Secretary Baker's visit to China last November, the United States and China
took this initiative an important step further, agreeing in principle on the
elements of the accord.
Subsequent talks produced agreement on the critical point of allowing US
access to Chinese facilities for the purpose of carrying out the MOU. The
memorandum of understanding calls on both sides to investigate promptly
possible violations of relevant laws and regulations. I am pleased to
announce that an officer of the US Customs Service is being accredited to
our embassy in Beijing.
Vice Minister Liu, the signing of this memorandum, which culminates
several months of hard work by both sides, is a welcome step forward in
relations between the United States and China. I wish to thank you and your
government for recognizing and responding to serious US concerns in this
area. I look forward to close cooperation between our countries as we
implement this important agreement.
Text of Memorandum Of Understanding
The Government of the United States of America and the Government of the
People's Republic of China (hereinafter referred to as the Parties),
Considering that the Chinese Government has noted and respects United
States laws and regulations that prohibit the import of prison labor
products, has consistently paid great attention to the question of
prohibition of the export of prison labor products, has explained to the
United States its policy on this question, and on October 10, 1991,
reiterated its regulations regarding prohibition of the export of prison labor
products;
Considering that the Government of the United States has explained to the
Chinese Government US laws and regulations prohibiting the import of
prison labor products and the policy of the United States on this issue; and
Noting that both Governments express appreciation for each other's concerns
and previous efforts to resolve this issue,
Have reached the following understanding on the question of prohibiting
import and export trade between the two countries that violates the
relevant laws and regulations of either the United States or China
concerning products produced by prison or penal labor (herein referred to as
prison labor products).
The Parties agree:
1. Upon the request of one Party, and based on specific information provided
by that Party, the other Party will promptly investigate companies,
enterprises or units suspected of violating relevant regulations and laws,
and will immediately report the results of such investigations to the other.
2. Upon the request of one Party, responsible officials or experts of
relevant departments of both Parties will meet under mutually convenient
circumstances to exchange information on the enforcement of relevant laws
and regulations and to examine and report on compliance with relevant
regulations and laws by their respective companies, enterprises, or units.
3. Upon request, each Party will furnish to the other Party available
evidence and information regarding suspected violations of relevant laws
and regulations in a form admissible in judicial or administrative
proceedings of the other Party. Moreover, at the request of one Party, the
other Party will preserve the confidentiality of the furnished evidence,
except when used in judicial or administrative proceedings.
4. In order to resolve specific outstanding cases related to the subject
matter of this Memorandum of Understanding, each Party will, upon request
of the other Party, promptly arrange and facilitate visits by responsible
officials of the other Party's diplomatic mission to its respective
companies, enterprises or units.
This Memorandum of Understanding will enter into force upon signature.
Done at Washington, in duplicate, this seventh day of August, 1992, in the
English and Chinese languages, both texts being equally authentic. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992
Title: Arab-Israeli Peace Process
Bush
Description: Statement by President Bush, released by the White
House, Office of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC
Date: Aug, 10 19928/10/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa
Country: Israel, Syria, Jordan, Lebanon
Subject: Mideast Peace Process
[TEXT]
We are pleased to announce that we have received positive responses from
all the parties to the bilateral negotiations in the Arab-Israeli peace
process to attend the sixth round of talks, which will commence in
Washington on August 24.
The United States and Russia, as co-sponsors, welcome this opportunity for
the parties to engage in substantive negotiations and to make real progress
during this round.
The United States is prepared to continue to play its role as a driving force,
catalyst, and honest broker to promote progress in these negotiations. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992
Title: Mozambique Peace Talks
Boucher
Source: State Department Deputy Spokesman Richard
Boucher
Description: Statement, Washington, DC
Date: Aug, 7 19928/7/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Subsaharan Africa
Country: Mozambique
Subject: Democratization, Regional/Civil Unrest
[TEXT]
The US Government welcomes the substantial progress achieved at the
August 5-7 meetings in Rome between Mozambican President Joaquim
Chissano and RENAMO [Mozambique National Resistance] leader Afonso
Dhlakama. We note with particular pleasure the commitment made to
complete negotiations and sign a general peace accord by October 1, 1992.
In view of the severe humanitarian crisis in Mozambique caused by war and
a devastating drought, we urge both sides to accelerate their discussions in
Rome in order to meet the October 1 target date. As an official observer to
the Rome talks, the United States will continue to provide technical
negotiating assistance to the mediators and the Mozambican parties as
needed.
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe, the Italian Government, and the
Catholic lay group San Egidio are to be highly commended for the significant
roles they played in arranging the meetings in Rome between President
Chissano and Mr. Dhlakama to accelerate the peace talks and bring a rapid
end to the conflict in Mozambique. We urge the international community to
constructively support these efforts and to be prepared to contribute to the
effective implementation of an eventual agreement. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992
Title: Suriname Peace Agreement
Boucher
Description: Statement released by the Office of the Assistant
Secretary/Spokesman, Washington, DC
Date: Aug, 7 19928/7/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Subsaharan Africa
Country: Suriname
Subject: Democratization, Human Rights
[TEXT]
We are pleased that the Government of Suriname reached a peace agreement
on August 5 with two domestic armed groups, the Jungle Commando and the
Tucayana Indians, which have been in armed opposition to the government
since 1987. The agreement was reached with the help of the Organization of
American States (OAS), and OAS Secretary General Joao Baena Soares
participated in the conclusion of the agreement in Paramaribo.
This agreement represents an important step in the process of confirming
the democratic process and the rule of law in Suriname. We share the hope
of the parties to the agreement that it will establish the basis for a durable
peace, stability, and development. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992
Title: Azerbaijani-Armenian Conflict
Boucher
Source: State Department Deputy Spokesman Richard
Boucher
Description: Statement, Washington, DC
Date: Aug, 13 19928/13/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Eurasia
Country: Armenia, Azerbaijan
Subject: Regional/Civil Unrest
[TEXT]
The US Government condemns the recent Azerbaijani seizure of the
Armenian enclave of Artsvashen. This action is a destabilizing event that
further escalates and exacerbates the Azerbaijani-Armenian conflict.
As members of the CSCE [Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe],
both Azerbaijan and Armenia are committed to observe the inviolability of
international borders. We, therefore, urge Azerbaijan to withdraw from
Artsvashen and to respect Armenian sovereignty over this enclave.
This is the latest in a series of occupations of enclaves by both sides. We,
thus, likewise call on Armenia to withdraw from those areas it has occupied
and to respect the borders of Azerbaijan.
It remains our firm conviction that no just, lasting solution can be found to
this tragic conflict through violence.
In that light, we deplore the recent upsurge in fighting in the region and
strongly urge that all the parties support and implement the CSCE Minsk
Group's call last week in Rome for a 60-day cease-fire. We encourage all
sides to work with the chairman of the Minsk Group, former Italian Deputy
Foreign Minister Raffaelli, to set a date for the cease-fire formally to go
into effect.
The CSCE mediation effort is the best opportunity available to the parties
for resolving this tragic conflict by peaceful means. We urge all parties to
take no action that undermines the CSCE Minsk Group negotiations and
deepens the conflict.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992
Title: Angola: Police Neutrality
Boucher
Source: State Department Deputy Spokesman Richard
Boucher
Description: Statement, Washington, DC
Date: Aug, 14 19928/14/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Subsaharan Africa
Country: Angola
Subject: Human Rights
[TEXT]
In his visit to Angola in late July, Assistant Secretary [for African Affairs
Herman J.] Cohen underscored the need for all parties to create a climate of
confidence in the weeks before the September elections. Nonetheless, we
are concerned by the alarming increase in the level of tensions throughout
the country since that time.
We believe the newly created anti-riot police are a principal cause of rising
tensions. Under the terms of the Angola peace accords, the government
retains responsibility for the functions and activities of the civilian police.
The accords also stipulate, however, that police neutrality is a precondition
to the holding of free and fair elections. The government has an obligation to
cooperate with UN and UNITA [National Union for the Total Independence of
Angola] monitors to ensure that neutrality. Instead, well-trained, well-
equipped, anti-riot police have acted in ways which appear to violate both
the letter and spirit of the accords. We have shared these concerns with the
GPRA [Government of the People's Republic of Angola] on numerous
occasions.
At times, UNITA has also acted overzealously, bringing armed security
personnel into urban areas and limiting the activities and movement of some
of the civilian population. We have raised these issues with UNITA.
Solutions must be found to the question of the riot police which reduce
rather than exacerbate existing tensions. In these final, critical weeks
before elections, the government must take steps to guarantee the
neutrality of the police. We call on both parties to cooperate more actively
with each other and with the UN monitors to ensure that both the letter and
the spirit of the accords are respected [and] that provocations are avoided
and tensions reduced. Only then can Angola's voters enjoy the confidence
needed to freely and peacefully participate in the exercise of their hard-
won democratic rights.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992
Title: Reward for Pablo Escobar
Boucher
Source: State Department Deputy Spokesman Richard
Boucher
Description: Statement, Washington, DC
Date: Aug, 14 19928/14/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: South America
Country: Colombia
Subject: Regional/Civil Unrest, Narcotics
[TEXT]
Persons providing information leading to the arrest of [convicted Colombian
narcotics trafficker] Pablo Escobar are eligible for rewards of up to $2
million.
The reward offer by the [US] Department of State, in conjunction with the
[US] Department of Justice, is made pursuant to the Department's
authorities under 1985 legislation which authorizes rewards of up to $2
million for:
-- Information that prevents or resolves acts of terrorism or which leads
to the arrest of those responsible for such incidents; and/or
-- Information that leads to the arrest of major narcotics traffickers.
Escobar has been indicted for narcotics trafficking violations by several
jurisdictions in the United States, the indictments dating from 1984
through 1990. Escobar was indicted August 13, [1992] by a grand jury in
connection with the bombing of Avianca flight 203, a crime that has been
determined to be an act of terrorism under US law.
This announcement brings to $3.4 million the possible total of rewards
offered for Escobar's arrest. The Government of Colombia announced earlier
this week an offer of $1.4 million.
The rewards program, in addition to financial incentives, includes the
possibility of relocation to the United States to ensure the safety and
security of witnesses who provide information which leads to an arrest.
Identities of informants are kept confidential. Family members may also be
relocated.
The United States has paid approximately $2 million in anti-terrorist
rewards under this program and $350,000 in narcotics-related rewards.
Persons in Colombia with information on Escobar's whereabouts are urged to
contact the Colombian National Police. Persons in the United States should
contact the nearest office of the [US] Drug Enforcement Administration.
Anyone wishing to provide such information may also write to the following
address:
Program Director
PO Box 96781
Washington, DC USA
20090-6781 (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 33, August 17, 1992
Title: US Support for Chemical Weapons Convention
Fitzwater
Source: White House Press Secretary Marlin Fitzwater
Description: Statement, Washington, DC
Date: Aug, 14 19928/14/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Whole World
Country: United States
Subject: Arms Control
[TEXT]
The President announced today strong US support for the Chemical Weapons
Convention completed at the UN Conference on Disarmament in Geneva
August 7. He said the United States is committed to signing the treaty as
soon as it is open for signature, and he called on all other nations to make a
similar pledge.
The treaty, concluded after years of intensive negotiations, calls for the
total banning of chemical weapons worldwide. The United States has been
committed to that goal since the beginning of the negotiations and applauds
the dedicated efforts of all who have helped to bring the talks to a
successful conclusion. The United States firmly believes that removing the
threat of these weapons of terror is now possible and will be achieved when
all states join and abide by this treaty.
The United States underscores its intention of working actively to bring the
Chemical Weapons Convention into force at the earliest possible date and
believes that all responsible governments will join us in this pursuit.(###)