US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 3, No 31, August 3, 1992
Title: Statements From Secretary Baker's Middle East
Trip (Baker/Rabin)
Baker
Rabin
Source: Secretary Baker, Israeli Prime Minister Rabin
Description: Opening remarks from a news conference, Jerusalem
Date: Jul, 19 19927/19/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa
Country: Israel
Subject: Mideast Peace Process
[TEXT]
Prime Minister Rabin:
Very good evening. I welcome the visit of
Secretary of State Baker to Israel and the region. We had the time to
discuss the basic issues today in the region and in the framework of the
bilateral relationships between Israel and the United States. We touched on
the possibilities to move ahead with the peace process within the
framework of the Madrid conference. We discussed the issue of the
guarantees for the absorption of newcomers, and we discussed bilateral
issues. I believe the discussions were frank and to the point and will
continue during the visit of the Secretary in another meeting to try to find
out what has been achieved, in what ways we'll go, and what has to be left
to be decided later on. Thank you, Mr. Secretary, for coming, [and] thank you
for your readiness to take part in the continuation and the acceleration of
the peace process and the improvement in the relationships between our two
countries.
Secretary Baker:
Prime Minister, thank you. I think that's a full
and complete summary of our discussions. Let me express to you my
appreciation and that of President Bush for your willingness to receive us
here so soon after your taking office. Let me say that I share what I believe
is your optimism with respect to the opportunities for moving forward in a
positive way with respect to the peace process. I am looking forward to our
continuing discussions during the course of my visit here, particularly with
reference to how we can move forward with the question of US assistance
for the absorption of immigrants to Israel, and I look forward, as well, to
having further discussions with you about other bilateral issues as well as
other issues affecting the peace process. Thank you for welcoming us here.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 31, August 3, 1992
Title: Statements From Secretary Baker's Middle East
Trip (Baker/Hussein)
Baker
Hussein
Source: Secretary Baker, King Hussein of Jordan.
Description: Opening remarks from a news conference in Amman, Jordan
Date: Jul, 21 19927/21/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa
Country: Jordan
Subject: Mideast Peace Process
[TEXT]
King Hussein:
Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. It is a
pleasure for me to welcome my very dear friend once again to Amman, the
Secretary of State, and to welcome you all [and] to have this opportunity to
speak to you.
I have to say that our talks went extremely well, as they do between old
friends and particularly at this time, an interesting time in terms of all the
changes that have occurred in the world but also in our part of the world of
late.
I spoke to some of our friends who asked me about my view of recent
developments in the immediate region, and I would like to repeat that, for
example, we saw the Israeli electorate's choice of a change as one
indicating an interest in seizing this historic moment--crucial moment--to
finally, and hopefully, achieve progress and achieve results in bringing to an
end long suffering for all concerned on either side of the divide--
Palestinians, Israelis, Jordanians, Arabs--by possibly, God willing,
succeeding in achieving the goal that we have set ourselves for a long period
of time: of establishing a just and durable peace--a kind of peace that
future generations can accept, live with, and protect and one that brings the
children of Abraham together again in this region, the birthplace of the
three great monotheistic religions.
I believe that we are on the verge of a genuinely new effort to see progress
toward peace. Hopefully, what has been set on track will now accelerate
toward a very dear objective. I am referring, obviously, to the peace
process. So the Secretary's visit at this time is most welcome.
We know, and we knew throughout, of his enthusiasm and commitment to the
cause of a just and durable peace here in this area [and to] an end to the
nightmare that has been with us far too long and the suffering of people. I
welcome him as a dear friend, and I'll hand it all to you, sir.
Secretary Baker:
Thank you, Your Majesty, and thank you for
welcoming us--welcoming my colleagues and myself at this time. I think it
is an important time for us to be in the region. I am very, very pleased to be
back in Amman, and I'm particularly pleased to have had the opportunity to
spend the time that we have spent today in discussing the status of the
peace process and how we might proceed to move it forward in a positive
direction.
You alluded to the fact that there is a change in the leadership in Israel.
There is, indeed, and we think that that change should offer some
opportunity for positive forward movement in the process that we are
together engaged in--searching for peace for this region that so badly needs
it and so rightly deserves it.
I would like to think that there are opportunities now that should be taken
advantage of and that will be taken advantage of. I found a sense of that in
my discussions today with His Majesty. As those of you who are traveling
with us know, I found a sense of that yesterday in discussions with Israelis
and with Palestinians.
I would hope that particularly the bilateral discussions could resume and
resume early. I think that the suggestion of the new Prime Minister of
Israel that these discussions be relatively continuous rather than
interrupted periodically as much as they have been in the past is a good
suggestion. Your Majesty, I look forward to continuing to work very closely
with you as we have in the past in order to advance peace in the region, and I
thank you very much for your hospitality.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 31, August 3, 1992
Title: Statements From Secretary Baker's Middle East
Trip(Baker/Mubarek)
Baker
Mubarek
Source: Secretary Baker, Egyptian President Mubarak.
Description: Opening remarks from a news conference, Cairo, Egypt
Date: Jul, 22 19927/22/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa
Country: Egypt
Subject: Mideast Peace Process
[TEXT]
President Mubarak:
Let me welcome Secretary Baker, the man who
[has given] a lot of effort for the problems of the Middle East since he [has
been] the Secretary of State of the United States, and I think we need lots of
progress in that sense, and we thank him for the effort and the
concentration [inaudible] to reach a good settlement or a comprehensive
settlement to the problem.
We met today, and we have discussed the whole peace process--how to
activate it [and] how to [proceed] much faster, hoping that we could achieve
something in the very near future.
He also met with Mr. Rabin before I [saw] Mr. Rabin yesterday, and he
discussed with him several [of the same issues] I have discussed. Again, I
welcome the Secretary in Cairo, appreciating all his efforts for the peace,
and we hope to see him more and more in our country. Thank you.
Secretary Baker:
Mr. President, thank you for welcoming us to
Cairo, and thank you particularly for receiving us at a time that I know is a
very busy time for you in the midst of your national day celebrations. We
have had to juggle the schedule somewhat, and we are very appreciative of
your understanding with respect to that.
I think that we've had some very good and productive meetings here in Egypt
today, ladies and gentlemen, as we always do when we come here,
particularly with respect to the peace process. Egypt, of course, has been in
the forefront of efforts with respect to peace and, particularly, in the
forefront of efforts with respect to peace with Israel. Egypt is a very
important player in the peace process that has been developed and is ongoing
now. I share President Mubarak's view that there are opportunities to
enhance this process, to move it forward, [and] to make it productive, and I
hope there are opportunities to make it productive in the near term.
We've had a full discussion of this and other issues, and, Mr. President, I
appreciate your receiving us here today.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 31, August 3, 1992
Title: Statements From Secretary Baker's Middle East
Trip (Baker/Shara)
Baker
Shara
Source: Secretary Baker, Syrian Foreign Minister
Shara.
Description: Excerpts from opening remarks from a news conference,
Damascus, Syria
Date: Jul, 23 19927/23/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa
Country: Syria
Subject: Mideast Peace Process
[TEXT]
Secretary Baker:
We've agreed. I will start. We concluded our
talks last night with the Minister and President Assad after, I think, about 4
1/2 hours. The talks were good talks. I will let the Minister speak,
obviously, for the position of Syria, but I believe that there was a general
feeling that, indeed, there are some new opportunities now that should be
explored [and] that it would be possibly productive if that could be done at
the earliest possible date. We talked about the full range, obviously, of
peace process issues as those might be affected by the change in
government in Israel. We talked, as well, about the situation in Lebanon and
the bilateral matters that we discuss when we meet.
I want to take this opportunity to once again thank President Assad for
seeing us at what I know was a very difficult time for him as a consequence
of the tragic loss of his mother. I want to thank you, too, Minister, for
making it possible for us to be here. . . and receiving us on short notice, and
making it possible for us to have these discussions that I believe will turn
out to have been fruitful. . . .
Foreign Minister Shara:
I would like to thank Secretary Baker for
the efforts that he has already made on the peace process. Don't forget that
Secretary Baker and President Bush, for over a year, have exerted a lot of
efforts to make peace possible in our region. We started in Madrid; we
continued in Washington; and, then, we stopped for a while. And we hope
that the new developments, especially the presence of a new government in
Israel, will help all the parties concerned to resume talks as soon as
possible. I also would like to say that the talks that Secretary Baker had
with President Assad last night were positive [and] frank, and I hope they
would be fruitful and they would serve the cause of peace in our region.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 31, August 3, 1992
Title: Statements From Secretary Baker's Middle East
Trip (Baker/Harawi)
Baker
Harawi
Source: Secretary Baker, Lebanese President Harawi, and
Foreign Minister Bouez
Description: Excerpts from opening remarks from a press conference,
Zahle, Lebanon
Date: Jul, 23 19927/23/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa
Country: Libya
Subject: Mideast Peace Process
[TEXT]
President Harawi [through interpreter]:
Mr. Secretary, I welcome
you here to my home and my country, Lebanon. [That] you are present here
today, Mr. Secretary, with your great delegation, is a clear indication of the
depth of the relationship between our two countries. This relationship
which we have established with you [is] based on our commitment to the
principles of peace and democracy and respect for human rights. Also, your
presence here, personally, and your coming to Lebanon is a new and clear
assurance [of] your support and your commitment to Lebanon's independence
and sovereignty and all of its territories within the internationally
recognized borders.
Lebanon has led a painful 16 years, and, [in] your presence here among us,
you are witnessing Lebanon's way out from misery of war. And that is
because of the agreement among all Lebanese and the national accord
documents that I swore constitutionally to implement in letter and spirit,
but there is no doubt that Lebanon will not accomplish the kind of peace
before the implementation of the UN Security Council Resolution 425.
Your country, Mr. Secretary, committed itself to the success of the
international peace conference and solving the crisis in the Middle East in
accordance to international resolutions and laws that were issued by the UN
Security Council, and Lebanon is in solidarity with its Arab brothers and the
efforts seeking a comprehensive peace--a just and lasting peace--[and] is
eager to end the human misery which lasted for a long time in this region.
We are all full of hope that your tour of the region will be fruitful and [will]
help to push forward the peace process and to accomplish its noble
objectives.
Here, once again, I welcome you, Mr. Secretary. I wish you to convey to
President George Bush our best wishes, confirming and affirming to him and
to you, our friend, our commitment to take serious decisions which will
return Lebanon back to the old Lebanon--this commitment of progress and
security and safety.
Once again, Mr. Secretary, welcome, and I hope that I will see you soon in
our capital, Beirut.
Secretary Baker:
Mr. [President], thank you for welcoming my
colleagues and myself here in your home. Thank you for welcoming us to
Lebanon and thank you for welcoming us to your home village. . . .
I think this is an important time for this region. I think it is a important
time for the peace process to which Lebanon has committed itself. I believe
that there are new possibilities for progress toward peace in the aftermath
of the accession of a new government in Israel. We have discussed that
with the President, the Prime Minister, the Foreign Minister, and their
colleagues. We have also discussed the desire of the United States to see
what has been a tragedy here in Lebanon come to an end. We are pleased to
be able to have this meeting in Lebanon, and we strongly support the
political independence, the sovereignty, and the territorial integrity of
Lebanon. We hope that our presence here makes a statement in support of
that independence and that sovereignty.
Let me say, finally, that we support strongly both the letter and the spirit
of the Taif agreement. We would like to see the implementation of that
agreement and support that strongly.
With respect to the question of elections, it is the position of the United
States that this is a decision for the Lebanese Government, and the Lebanese
Government alone, to make. Of course, it is critical that any elections that
are held be free and fair elections and in keeping with the true tenets of
democracy. It is vital that any elections be free of intimidation--any hint
of intimidation or coercion.
I want to thank the government for welcoming us here and compliment them
on their struggle to reverse what has been a tragedy here [and] on their
efforts to bring political stability and economic stability and reform to
Lebanon, goals that the United States supports.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 31, August 3, 1992
Title: Statements From Secretary Baker's Middle East
Trip (Baker/Saud)
Baker
Saud
Source: Secretary Baker, Saudi Foreign Minister Saud
Description: Excerpts from a news conference, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia
Date: Jul, 23 19927/23/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa
Country: Saudi Arabia
Subject: Mideast Peace Process
[TEXT]
Q: Mr. Baker, could you give us your reaction to Mr. Rabin's announcements on
settlements? Is that going to be satisfactory for the loan guarantees?
Secretary Baker: Well, it is an announcement that we discussed when I was
in Israel. I just think it is further evidence of what I've said over the
course of the past several days, and that is that you now have a government
in Israel that is reordering national priorities in that country [and] moving
away from building settlements in the occupied territories to devoting their
energy and attention and assets to absorbing Jewish immigrants. This is an
indication, I think, that there will, in fact, be a severe and significant
reduction in settlement activity, and we welcome that.
Q: What reordering do you detect in the Arab world in response to this new
emphasis? In having talked to leaders in six countries, what new signals do
you see? What has changed on the Arab side of this equation?
Secretary Baker: Well, I think we answered that question to some extent in
Damascus the other day when it was asked. I think we have seen statements
from the Arab governments of countries we have visited welcoming this
change, agreeing with our assessment that it presents some opportunities
for moving the peace process forward in a positive way.
I've said before, and I will say again [that] I hope very much that the parties
will decide to come together again quickly, that they will pick up on Prime
Minister Rabin's suggestion that the negotiations be continuous, that we
test this thesis that there is, indeed, an opportunity now to generate
momentum in the peace process, [and] that the parties get together and
actually do some nitty-gritty negotiating instead of just meeting and
talking. I hope and believe that that is what we may see in the days and
weeks ahead.
Q: What do you believe that Saudi Arabia can do in the peace process?
Secretary Baker: What role can Saudi Arabia play? Saudi Arabia has played
an extraordinarily important role in the peace process, in my opinion--that
is, the peace process that was constructed last year. Without the support of
King Fahd and Saudi Arabia, I do not believe we would have been able to put
that process together. Saudi Arabia was one of the first Arab countries to
commit to participation in the multilateral phase of the peace process, and
they are actively participating in that phase of the process and doing so in a
very constructive way.
Q: Prince Faisal, can give us your reaction to Mr. Rabin's announcement, sir?
What is Saudi Arabia's reaction?
Foreign Minister Saud: Well, as you know, in the talks that the Secretary
has had here with the Custodian [i.e. the King]-- [he] has explained the
discussions that he had [about] the new opportunities that exist now, not
only [for] continuing the peace process but moving in a meaningful way to a
meaningful negotiations.
We are very encouraged with the report that the Secretary has brought with
him and, as you know, from its inception, have supported the peace process,
and we will continue to do so with new hope now. . . . (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 31, August 3, 1992
Title: Joint US-Israel Technical Assistance in Central
Asia
Tutwiler
Source: State Department Spokesman Margaret Tutwiler
Date: Jul, 30 19927/30/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa
Country: Israel, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan
Subject: Mideast Peace Process
[TEXT]
The United States and Israel agreed, on July 28, to begin a program to
provide joint technical assistance to the five Central Asian states of
Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan.
This joint initiative follows Secretary Baker's announcement at the Lisbon
coordinating conference this past May that the United States and Israel
were discussing ways to provide joint assistance.
Ambassador Richard Armitage [Deputy to the Coordinator for US Assistance
to the New Independent States] has spent the last several days in Israel
discussing priorities with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and with experts
from a variety of Israeli technical and academic institutions.
Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres and Ambassador Armitage have agreed
to form a joint advance team which, subject to agreements or formal
invitations from the five Central Asian governments, will visit those
countries to define potential projects. Many of these governments have
given informal assurances that this joint effort would be welcome, in
addition to bilateral US technical assistance projects.
Israeli efforts will concentrate on the agricultural sectors of the five
economies and may also focus on public health programs.
The US Government intends to provide some funding to facilitate Israeli
technical assistance in Central Asia and will work closely with Israel in the
design and approval of specific projects. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 31, August 3, 1992
Title: Secretary's Visit to Maldives
Baker
Gayoom
Source: Secretary Baker
Description: Opening remarks from a press conference by Secretary
Baker and Maldivian President Maumoon Gayoom, Male, Maldives
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Date: Jul, 24 19927/24/92
Region: South Asia
Country: Maldives
Subject: Mideast Peace Process
[TEXT]
President Gayoom:
First of all, let me say how happy I am that the
Secretary of State, Mr. James Baker, has made this very brief visit to Male.
I have just told Mr. Baker that my colleagues and I regard this visit as a very
significant event in the Maldivian-American relationship and that we hope
that our friendly and cordial relations will be further strengthened because
of this visit.
We have discussed matters of mutual concern for both our countries, and I
think this will also help our understanding of each other's view of major
international matters as well as our bilateral relations. Since the
Secretary doesn't have much time, I will now request him to say a few
words to you and also to answer whatever questions that you may have for
him, and even for me, too.
Secretary Baker:
Mr. President, thank you for receiving me and receiving my colleagues. I
want to say how very pleased I am to be the first Secretary of State to visit
the Maldives. I want to say that I share your view that the bilateral
relationship between your country and my country is very good as it is, and I
hope that it will be even better as a consequence of this visit.
I would like to express to you and through the press to your people the
appreciation of the United States for the steadfast support which the
Maldives gave to the implementation of the UN Security Council resolutions
having to do with the conflict in the Gulf. As you and I have discussed, it is
important, I think, particularly important for small nations, that there be
respect for full implementation of Security Council resolutions and that
small countries not be subjected to aggression or the threat of aggression
at the hands of larger countries.
The President and I had an opportunity to talk about [a] number of issues of
multilateral and international interest and concern. I gave him an update on
the status of the Middle East peace process as I see it. We talked about the
fact that in most places around the world, we are seeing rapid and
substantial progress toward disarmament and toward the reduction and
elimination of nuclear weapons. And we discussed as well some regional
conflict issues. It's a pleasure to be here, Mr. President, and I thank you
very much for your cordiality and hospitality. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 31, August 3, 1992
Title: US-ASEAN Cooperation
Baker
Source: Secretary Baker
Description: Statement at the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN) post-ministerial conference, Manila, Philippines
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Date: Jul, 26 19927/26/92
Region: Southeast Asia, East Asia
Country: Philippines, Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand,
Singapore
Subject: ASEAN, Trade/Economics
[TEXT]
I am delighted to meet again with my ASEAN colleagues here in Manila so
soon after the conclusion of free and fair elections. In 1986, the Filipino
people were at the forefront of the democratic revolution now sweeping the
rest of the world. With the recent election, they have again demonstrated
their unwavering commitment to responsible democratic government and the
rule of law.
The last year, of course, has seen an evolution in US-Philippine relations
and, as a result, an adjustment in America's security presence in the region.
Our withdrawal from Clark [Air Field] and Subic Bay [naval station] means
that there will no longer be permanent US bases in Southeast Asia. But this
development has not altered our interest in, nor our commitment to, Asian
security. The form of our presence may have changed, but the substance of
our commitment is firm.
The United States is a Pacific power and will remain one. Our forces are
forward deployed in Japan, South Korea, and Guam. We have successfully
negotiated new access agreements with other nations in Southeast Asia.
Together, these arrangements ensure that our ships and our aircraft remain
fully capable of achieving their missions. In this first PMC [post-
ministerial conference] at which security issues are officially part of our
agenda, I want to underline this point: America's resolve to honor its treaty
commitments, to promote economic growth, and to support the peaceful
resolution of disputes remain the bedrock of our policy toward Asia.
With that said, let me highlight two areas that remain of particular concern
to all of us: Cambodia and Burma. Cambodia has, of course, taken
significant steps toward what we hope will be a democratic, prosperous,
and peaceful future. But disturbing problems have arisen in the settlement
process. Our unyielding determination to implement the Paris accords is
essential if we are to reach our goal. Each of us, and in particular
[Indonesian] Foreign Minister [Ali] Alatas, has contributed time, money, and
effort to seeing this process succeed. With continued determination and
patience, I am hopeful that by the time of next year's PMC in Singapore, we
will be able to look back on a successful transition to democracy in
Cambodia and the beginning of a more normal life for its long-suffering
people.
In Burma, we have also seen some positive but very limited changes in the
last year. A handful of political prisoners have been released. A few small
steps have been taken which might lead to a constitutional convention. But
this minimal progress cannot obscure the reality that Burma's human rights
situation remains deplorable. A few days ago, Nobel Peace Price Winner
Aung San Suu Kyi began her fourth year of confinement on political charges.
The legitimate results of the 1990 elections have yet to be implemented.
And opposition parties and politicians suffer continued persecution.
Collectively, our message to the Burmese military authorities must be loud
and clear: Release all political prisoners immediately and begin a genuine
dialogue aimed at rapidly transferring power to a democratically elected
government.
We also must not forget the tragic plight of over 270,000 Rohingya Burmese
refugees who have been driven from their homes into Bangladesh and another
70,000 forced into Thailand. As I pointed out to this conference last year,
until there is democratic reform and protection of human rights, Burma will
remain a source of potential instability to its neighbors. We must continue
to demand that Burma respect the rights of these victimized people and
undertake repatriation monitored by the United Nations. The military
regime in Burma must listen to the democratic aspirations of the Burmese
people. And we, inside the region and outside it, must speak with one voice
in our support of their cause.
Economic relations between the United States and ASEAN continue to grow
in importance. Investment, trade, travel, and communications are rapidly
expanding. US companies are working with your own companies, bringing
skills, technology, and capital which are reshaping the Asia-Pacific
economy. America is the first or second largest trading partner of each of
the six ASEAN states. Our investments in this region grew to $12 billion in
1990, doubling over the last 10 years.
ASEAN is at the heart of the world's most dynamic economic region. Much of
the international community looks to your economies as models of
development. It is easy to see why. In 1991, ASEAN economies set the
world's pace, growing as a group by 7%. The ASEAN free trade area, agreed
to at this year's summit, will further promote high growth and increased
economic integration. And it will do so by complementing, not undermining,
the global free market. Toward this end, we consider APEC [Asia-Pacific
Economic Cooperation] a key vehicle for sustaining market-oriented
development, advancing regional and global trade liberalization, and
fostering a more prosperous economic future for the entire Asia-Pacific
region.
In conclusion, let me say that the United States remains fully committed to
building on our economic cooperation in Asia and the Pacific. We consider
such cooperation no less vital to America's interests than the security ties
we have forged over the years. As the nations around this table can bear
witness, peace and prosperity are truly indivisible.
I look forward to this opportunity to discuss these issues of mutual
interest. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 31, August 3, 1992
Title: US Relations With Asia and the Pacific: A New
Era
Zoellick
Source: Robert B. Zoellick, Under Secretary for Economic
and Agricultural Affairs and Counselor of the Department of
State
Description: Address before the ASEAN post-ministerial conference,
Manila, Philippines
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Date: Jul, 26 19927/26/92
Region: Southeast Asia, East Asia
Country: Philippines, Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand,
Singapore, Burma
Subject: ASEAN, Trade/Economics, Human Rights, POW/MIA Issues
[TEXT]
Secretary Baker has asked me to explain that his arrival in Manila has been
delayed by unexpected developments in his Middle East peace talks. But he
looks forward to joining you later in the proceedings. Indeed, the Secretary
stressed the importance he personally places on coming to this ASEAN PMC
meeting--to share views with partners, to see colleagues who have become
friends.
Over the past 4 years, I have also had the privilege of attending these
sessions, and I appreciate this opportunity to be with you again today.
Just pause for a moment to consider what we have seen--what we have
done--in not many more than a thousand days. The long trial of the Cold
War came to a close. History has judged Communism to be bankrupt: as an
economic system, an ideology, an aspiration. This week a democratic
Foreign Minister of Russia is here in Manila for constructive discussions on
how we can overcome Com-munism's tragic legacy and establish a new
partnership.
Asians have seen dynasties rise and fall. You know that empires do not walk
off the stage of history without danger.
That's why my government has placed the highest priority on safely
dismantling the nuclear balance of terror and preventing the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction. That's why we have tried to seize
opportunities to defuse regional dangers, long inflamed by Communism and
conflict, in all corners of the globe. That's why we are starting to help new
democratic leaders move their countries out of totalitarian darkness and
economic paralysis.
Asians--and Americans--also know that the Cold War of Europe erupted into
hot wars in the Pacific. Right after World War II, one generation of
Americans waged war in North Asia, and the next generation of Americans
bled in Southeast Asia. To paraphrase Napoleon, if the graves of a nation's
soldiers mark the horizons of its world view, then let no one in the Pacific
doubt the United States' place in this region.
Yet, my country has always looked forward, not back. So it is today. And
it's understandable that our Pacific partners will ask how we view our ties
to the Asia-Pacific region in this new era.
So let me outline briefly where we stand on three fundamental points.
First, security. The US is committed to maintaining a continuous
operational and deterrent capability in Asia. This means troops, fleets, and
air power deployed forward. It also means our ongoing commitment to the
US-Japan Security Treaty--the practical, mutually beneficial partnership of
the two biggest democratic powers in the region. For the end of the Cold
War does not mean the end of dangerous leaders and regimes, threats of
force, and potential conflicts. Now that the universalist ideology of
Communism has been laid bare in its falsehood, we face the resurgence of
exclusive ideologies that pit ethnic, national, and religious groups against
one another. No one wants a revival of insecurities that could lead to
moves, even unintentional, that upset the peaceful balance.
As the US demonstrated in the Gulf, we will not stand by when new tyrants
threaten our national security interests. We have national security
interests in the Pacific, too.
Of course, we will adjust our forces in the region in the face of the new
circumstances. We've shared our plans with you, particularly our East Asia
Strategy Initiative. We've shown our willingness to adjust these plans, as
in Korea, when needed. We've explained our reliance on increased access to
a number of regional military facilities and our expectation that this
approach will lead to a stronger sense of mutual and shared responsibility.
And we've welcomed, supported, and, I hope, even inspired creative
multilateral responses to multi-faceted security problems, for example, in
Cambodia.
In the post-Cold War world, the United States must remain a leader--
perhaps the one leader with truly global reach--but we will seek to operate
through partnerships. We need to rely on one another.
Therefore, we are pleased that ASEAN's leaders decided last January to add
regional security issues to our PMC deliberations. ASEAN's initiative
creates an opportunity for us to share our thinking on the challenges that
confront the region. We may find openings for steps to bolster regional
security through building trust and confidence--for example, collaboration
against piracy and greater transparency on defense policies. Over time, our
dialogue might foster preventive diplomacy, easing mistrust and clearing up
misunderstandings before they escalate.
Our second but equally fundamental interest is our economic ties to the
Asia-Pacific region. In the early 1970s, our trade with the region was less
than our trade with Latin America. Now our trans-Pacific trade of over
$300 billion a year is more than 40% greater than our trans-Atlantic trade.
Our $50 billion trade with ASEAN exceeds our trade with Germany. We
export more to Singapore than to Spain or Italy.
But Asians are well aware of the economic figures. So let me turn to the
concerns.
One great achievement of the Cold War was the reconstruction of Western
Europe and Japan; they became our partners as well as our allies. Now
others--especially nations in Asia and Latin America--are also on the path
to prosperity.
Frankly, the old North-South logic is now as out of date as the Cold War
division between East and West. In this post-Cold War era, we should
recognize the vast differences among the so-called developing world. We
should also act on our common interest in creating a better life for all our
citizens. It is in our common interest to assure an international economic
framework that both fosters growth and can sustain political support. We
need to give the ASEAN nations and others an opportunity to benefit from
their comparative advantages. At the same time, the international
framework must support the outward-looking engagement of the US, EC, and
Japan, both by assuring them open access for their competitive products,
services, and ideas and by enabling them to make competitive transitions.
Certainly, a successful Uruguay Round would be a cornerstone of this
system. We want to press ahead, regardless of our elections, because we
believe open markets and competitive opportunity make economic and
political sense. At the Munich Summit, the US pressed two agricultural
proposals in an effort to urge the EC to reduce the volume of its subsidized
agricultural exports in a way most of the world has been seeking.
Unfortunately, the timing was not opportune for some. But we have made
more progress over the past year than many people recognize. We have no
intention of giving up. Yet, to be ultimately successful, many of you will
have to improve your offers on access for goods and services, too.
In the meantime, we are forging ahead with NAFTA. I believe NAFTA can be
the basis for stronger pan-Pacific ties. Higher growth in North America
will mean more trade with Asia. The facts of the trade of all three North
American nations already bear this out. A more competitive North America
will be more willing to maintain and strengthen our booming Pacific trade.
We have no intention of being a big island; that wouldn't be in our self-
interest.
To the contrary, I think we need to consider seriously how to liberalize
trade throughout the Pacific. We have made a start through Trade and
Investment Facilitation Agreements and Bilateral Investment Treaties. We
also intend to build on the successful US business tour of our Ambassadors
to ASEAN through both a repeat effort and by inviting ASEAN's Ambassadors
to make a follow-up tour in the US. And we are taking steps to integrate our
private sector in this ongoing economic diplomacy.
We need to stretch our thinking further. As AFTA and NAFTA develop, we
need to consider whether they might complement one another. I also hope
we can advance the Pacific trade liberalization agenda within APEC. US-
ASEAN cooperation has been fundamental to turning APEC from an idea into
an institution. In this regard, I wish to compliment the Thai leadership in
developing the idea of an APEC Secretariat.
The US offers the largest fully integrated market in the world. We want it
to be a competitive, global market, not part of a bloc. On the domestic side,
President Bush will press initiative in education, worker training, R∧D, and
science so our citizens have both opportunities and capabilities. On the
international side, we will press for free trade and open markets on all
fronts--globally, regionally, and bilaterally. If some say no, we'll look for
those who want to join our vision of greater trade and stronger growth. We
want ASEAN and APEC to have a special place in this future.
Our third fundamental link with Asia in the post-Cold War world will be
through our political systems and our people. In 1980, when I taught in Hong
Kong, my students argued that democracy was an anomaly in Asia; Japan,
they told me, was an isolated case. So what happened over 12 years? Look
right here in the Philippines, where a new government has just been elected.
Look at Korea . . . at Taiwan . . . Mongolia . . . the increased pluralism
throughout ASEAN. And even in the victimized land of Cambodia, our
common effort is based in significant part on establishing political
legitimacy through free elections. I recognize there will be reversals. And
the democratic process may move through new patterns reflecting ideas
about the place of the individual, the family, the community. But over the
past 200 years, those that failed to recognize the human spirit's call for
liberty, for respect, for self-government were eventually swept aside.
That's why it's our aim that this post-Cold War age will be an era of
Democratic Peace, based on a shared commitment to political and economic
freedom. Perhaps the great historical irony will turn out to be that the
Enlightenment produced two universalist ideologies that transcended ethnic
groups, nations, and regional. One of them, Marxism, is in the dustbin of
history. But the other--democracy based on the Rights of Man, the rule of
law, and private property--is our primary hope for creating an open,
inclusive, and tolerant international system.
I will close with some brief comments on a few topics that I know we will
discuss at greater length.
Let me begin with Cambodia. Our multilateral efforts to bring about a just
and durable peace in that troubled land are a centerpiece of US-ASEAN
cooperation. The Peace Accord signed in Paris last October has at last given
the Cambodian people real hope that their long nightmare may be over.
ASEAN must continue to play a central role in the settlement process. From
absorbing Khmer refugees and facilitating their repatriation to contributing
troops for UN peacekeeping efforts, ASEAN's involvement in the Cambodian
peace process remains absolutely vital for its success.
This is especially the case now, when UN efforts to attain national
reconciliation and free and fair elections have come under threat. The
position of the United States is clear; we are firmly committed to full
implementation of the Paris Accords. Neither the international community
nor the Cambodian people can accept anything less. We must not let
Cambodia's national tragedy resume.
The UN has sought to accommodate the legitimate concerns of all Cambodian
parties. The generous aid of the international community pledged last
month in Tokyo should go to those parties that cooperate with the UN
Transitional Authority (UNTAC)--but only to those parties. Any side that
chooses to undermine the peace process will discredit and isolate itself.
This should be our common message.
I also believe that ASEAN has been prudent in focusing on the questions
related to the Spratly Islands, and I compliment the ASEAN Ministers on the
useful principles they issued. Indonesia's promotion of a dialogue on the
disputed islands is a good example of what one might call preventive
diplomacy. We hope and expect that this process will lead to a peaceful
resolution of differences. For our part, the United States sees no
justification for the use of military force to resolve conflicting territorial
claims in the South China Sea. A just lasting solution to this dispute can
result only from peaceful negotiations between the parties concerned, not
from unilateral actions. Let me add here that the American Government is
not involved in the activities of private firms that seek to operate in these
disputed areas.
Last year, I warned that the military's illegitimate and brutal action in
Burma were both an offense against the civilized world and a source of
instability. Unfortunately, I was right. Burma is now exporting pain and
death outside its borders in staggering terms. Since we last met, we have
witnessed the terrible flight of 270,000 Rohingya Muslim refugees into
Bangladesh and others into Thailand. Burma is also a primary source of
heroin for addicts around the world; indeed, much of this drug of death is
consumed by the people of Southeast Asia.
Isn't it time to say enough is enough?
We know the Burmese military are not immune to world attention. The
State Law and Order Restoration Council took some limited positive steps.
But isn't it time for all of us, together, to tell the military regime it must
release all political prisoners--including Aung San Suu Kyi--and engage
them in a good-faith dialogue to restore constitutional government at an
early date? UNHCR officials should be permitted to monitor the return of
Rohingya refugees to their homes. By such steps, Burma could start down
the path--the only path--to rejoin the family of nations.
Some people always doubt the power of world condemnation. They say we
should accept the world as it is; we should be realistic, they say. My
response to those skeptics was in Helsinki 2 weeks ago. There I saw former
prisoners of conscience seated as Presidents and Prime Ministers of new
democracies. Wherever they go--whatever they do--their names are now
synonymous with courage and conviction. So is the name Aung San Suu Kyi.
If we forget her, we forget our humanity.
Finally, I note that Laos and Vietnam have begun the process of forging a
closer relationship with ASEAN, a relationship that could over time greatly
benefit the region. Increased ties could help decrease tensions in Southeast
Asia while facilitating economic and political reform. As this process
unfolds, however, we urge that you remember our POWs and MIAs. There is
no more important issue to my government and my people. We will not
forget the young men who came to this region for all of us but who never
came home. We ask for your ongoing support for our efforts to obtain the
fullest possible accounting of our compatriots.
I look forward to our discussions with you in the next few days. Our agenda
is important, not just for Southeast Asia, but for the New World Order we
hope to create as partners with you. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 31, August 3, 1992
Title: Fact Sheet: Association of Southeast Asian
Nations
PA
Source: Office of Public Communication, Bureau of Public
Affairs
Category: Fact Sheets
Date: Aug, 3 19928/3/92
Region: Southeast Asia, East Asia
Country: Philippines, Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand,
Singapore, Burma
Subject: ASEAN, Trade/Economics, Human Rights, POW/MIA Issues
[TEXT]
Background
Secretary Baker met in Manila, Philippines, July 25-26, with the foreign
ministers of the six ASEAN countries. This was the 14th annual post-
ministerial consultation with ASEAN at the foreign minister level, which
immediately follows the annual meeting of the six ASEAN foreign ministers.
The ministers also invite their counterparts from Australia, Canada, the
European Community, Japan, New Zealand, and South Korea to the post-
ministerial consultation to discuss world and regional issues.
The six ASEAN countries have a total population of more than 330 mil-lion
people. Covering more than 3 million square kilometers (1.2 million square
miles), the ASEAN countries straddle strategic sea routes linking the
Pacific Ocean with the Middle East, Africa, and Europe.
Rich in natural resources, with a talented and hard-working population and
market-oriented development policies, the ASEAN countries grew more
rapidly than most developing nations during the 1980s. Their trade with the
rest of the world slipped to $144 billion in 1985 because of slackening
world trade and falling commodity prices but rebounded quickly and, by
1991, reached $343 billion. Two-way trade with the US totaled $50 billion
in 1991, making ASEAN America's fifth most important trading partner.
What Is ASEAN?
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations was created in August 1967
with the signing of the Bangkok Declaration by the five original member
nations (Brunei Darussalam became the sixth member on January 7, 1984,
shortly after its independence). ASEAN's major purposes are to strengthen
regional cohesion and self-reliance, emphasizing economic, social, and
cultural cooperation.
It evolved slowly because of the member countries' varied historical and
colonial heritages and because their economies largely compete against
each other. Cooperation increased after the US withdrawal from Vietnam in
1975. The first two ASEAN summit conferences of heads of government,
held in 1976 and 1977, initiated much closer collaboration in political as
well as economic and social matters. A third ASEAN summit was held in
Manila in December 1987 and a fourth in Singa-pore in January 1992. From
now on, summits are to be held every 3 years.
ASEAN has a loosely organized structure of ministerial meetings,
committees, and a small secretariat located in Jakarta. Although the six
countries have agreed to upgrade the position of ASEAN secretary general,
they have not favored the development of a strong, central coordinating
body.
Economic Growth
ASEAN countries averaged annual real gross domestic product growth of
more than 5% during 1978-90, one of the economic success stories among
developing countries. The average slipped to 0.6% in 1985 but rose to 7% in
1990. Future prospects for the ASEAN economies, which are generally
among the better managed in the developing world, remain bright.
Regional Cooperation
ASEAN led efforts in the United Nations to oppose Vietnam's occupation of
Cambodia and end the civil war there. The United Nations convened the
International Conference on Kampuchea in July 1981 at ASEAN's request.
Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas served as co-chairman of the Paris
International Conference on Cambodia, where he and officials from the other
ASEAN countries joined others in negotiating the 1991 peace settlement.
Several ASEAN countries have peace-keeping forces in Cambodia under UN
command, and the ASEAN countries, as a group, pledged in 1992 to play an
active role in international efforts to reconstruct Laos, Vietnam, and
Cambodia. With the end of hostilities in Southeast Asia, Vietnam and Laos
have expressed interest in working with ASEAN, which has welcomed
accession to the ASEAN Treaty of Amity and Cooperation by all countries in
Indochina. Laos and Vietnam have expressed their intentions to accede to
the treaty in 1992.
External Relations
ASEAN has strengthened its ties with the United States and other
industrialized countries through periodic economic "dialogues" and the post-
ministerial consultations. The ASEAN governments take a constructive,
creative approach to important world issues in the United Nations and other
forums.
The US-ASEAN relationship is substantial and expanding. Secretary Baker's
attendance at the 1992 ASEAN post-ministerial meeting in Manila marked
his fourth meeting with ASEAN foreign ministers in Southeast Asia in as
many years. (He also has met with them in New York during sessions of the
UN General Assembly.) These annual meetings permit a regular and
comprehensive review of matters of interest to the United States and to
ASEAN countries and underscore the importance of the region to US foreign
policy.
Bilateral Economic Cooperation
ASEAN governments support private sector entrepreneurial growth,
domestic and foreign investment, and an open world trading system. US
business people have found ASEAN countries good places to trade and invest.
Several avenues have developed over the last 15 years to foster better
cooperation and interchange. The US-ASEAN Council for Business and
Technology was established in 1979 to bring together private sector leaders
to discuss common interests and the enhancement of trade and investment
relations. The Private Investment and Trade Opportunities project is a joint
effort by the United States and ASEAN private sectors and government to
expand trade, investment, and technology transfer between the United
States and ASEAN.
Frequent official and unofficial US-ASEAN consultations increase
understanding of common interests and provide opportunities to consult on a
wide range of issues. The US-ASEAN Economic Dialogue began in September
1977 in Manila. Subsequent dialogues have been held at intervals of about
18 months, with the 10th and most recent dialogue in June 1991. An
Economic Coordinating Committee (ECC) was established at the Third
Economic Dialogue in Manila. It comprises senior officials of the ASEAN
embassies in Washington, DC, their counterparts in the US Government, and
private sector representatives. The ECC generally meets monthly to review
cooperative activities and economic issues. The US Trade Representative
and ASEAN ambassadors signed a memorandum of understanding in December
1990 to establish regular, ministerial-level trade consultations and a
working group of senior officials to explore mechanisms to enhance trade
and investment relations under a program known as the ASEAN-US Initiative.
Regional Trade and Economic Cooperation
The ASEAN members agreed at their third summit to accelerate efforts to
reduce tariffs on intra-ASEAN trade to promote industrial development.
ASEAN leaders took an important step toward this goal in January 1992
when they established the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). The AFTA is
designed to eliminate most tariffs between the member countries over the
next 15 years. ASEAN also is trying to foster cooperative industrial
investment projects with government or private sector involvement.
Refugees
Since 1975, more than 2 million people have left Cambodia, Laos, and
Vietnam for "first asylum" (temporary refuge) in neighboring ASEAN
countries. More than 1.6 million of those refugees have been resettled
elsewhere. Concerned about the continuation of this exodus, the ASEAN
countries called for an international conference, which was held in Geneva
in June 1989. The conference resulted in the Comprehensive Plan of Action
(CPA), which consisted of an interlocking set of policies designed to resolve
the problem while preserving first asylum. The CPA has resulted in a
significant decrease in the outflow from Vietnam. Further, more than
26,000 Vietnamese from refugee camps in the region have voluntarily
repatriated to Vietnam. The CPA Steering Committee has met four times
since the agreement was reached. Despite some concerns about the speed
with which the problem is being handled, each meeting reaffirmed
agreement on the CPA and the practice of first asylum.
ASEAN Members
Brunei
Philippines
Indonesia
Singapore
Malaysia
Thailand (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 31, August 3, 1992
Title: Iraq's Non-Compliance With UN Security Council
Resolutions: Perkins
Perkins
Source: Edward J. Perkins, US Permanent Representative to
the United Nations
Description: Statement before the Subcommittees on Europe and the
Middle East and on Human Rights and International
Organizations of the House Foreign Affairs Committee,
Washington, DC
Date: Jul, 29 19927/29/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa
Country: Iraq
Subject: United Nations
[TEXT]
Chairman Hamilton, Chairman Yatron, members of the committees, I am
pleased to have this opportunity to address the committee this morning.
Since this is my first appearance before this body as US Permanent
Representative to the United Nations, let me take this time to thank you for
your support and also to state my sincere belief in the critical role of
Congress in the shaping of the strongest possible US policy at the United
Nations.
The purpose of my testimony today is to brief the committee on our
continuing efforts to ensure complete implementation of Security Council
Resolution 687 establishing the terms for a cease-fire with Iraq.
This morning's hearing comes at a critical time. Over the course of the last
2 months, Saddam Hussein has openly violated the decisions of the Security
Council and, by word and deed, has defied the authority of the United Nations
in an increasingly grave and provocative manner. Let me be specific.
-- Iraq has intentionally delayed a UN chemical and ballistic missile
inspection team from examining a facility believed to contain materials
associated with Iraqi weapons of mass destruction.
-- Iraq has permitted and, we suspect, orchestrated a general deterioration
in the security of UN personnel, resulting in numerous attacks upon them,
including the tragic shooting death of a UN humanitarian guard.
-- Iraq has denounced the findings and repudiated the authority of the UN
commission established pursuant to Resolution 687 to demarcate its border
with Kuwait and has refused to participate in the most recent session of
that commission.
-- Disregarding its obligations under Resolution 688 to permit unimpeded
access by humanitarian organizations, Iraq has failed to extend an
agreement allowing the United Nations to bring humanitarian relief to
millions of Iraqis who continue to be denied adequate food, medicine, and
other essential needs.
-- Likewise, Iraq has broken off negotiations to implement Resolutions 706
and 712, by which it would be permitted to sell oil in exchange for food to
feed its population, a decision which ensures their continued suffering.
-- Finally, in another violation of Resolution 688, Iraq has continued and, in
fact, intensified attacks against its Shi'a population in the south.
Mr. Chairman, these actions, viewed in their entirety, are nothing less than a
clear and open challenge to the authority of the Security Council and the UN
Charter. In the case of the denial of access to the weapons inspection team
and the attacks upon UN personnel, the implications are particularly grave.
Iraq should take care not to forget its status. It is subject, by virtue of its
outlaw behavior, to mandatory obligations for which enforcement authority
already exists. The international community cannot afford and does not
intend to let Iraq repudiate those obligations.
Let me now review UN efforts to ensure compliance with the main
elements of the cease-fire resolution.
Weapons of Mass Destruction
Resolution 687's provisions on weapons of mass destruction establish three
overlapping UN functions and Iraqi obligations:
-- Disclosure of all weapons, weapons-related equipment, programs and
associated production, and research and development facilities and
materials;
-- Destruction or rendering harmless of all existing weapons of mass
destruction and related items identified for destruction by the UN Special
Commission (UNSCOM) and by the International Atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA); and
-- Long-term and extensive monitoring of any Iraqi activities with a
possible bearing on weapons of mass destruction.
As we have previously noted to this committee, Iraqi performance in each of
these areas repeats a constant pattern: There is a period of non-cooperation
and deceit; this is followed by defiance when confronted by UN officials;
when defiance calls forth Security Council threats, it gives way to limited
compliance; this is followed by new deceits and non-cooperation elsewhere.
Disclosure:
Over the course of the last 2 months, UNSCOM has
significantly augmented its capacity to ensure Iraqi compliance with the
weapons disclosure requirements of [Resolution] 687. This is due to an
increase in the number of UNSCOM personnel permanently stationed in
Baghdad and to the loan of a number of helicopters. The helicopters and the
larger support base have facilitated more intensive aerial surveillance of
suspected sites. Information developed from these flights has been used to
tag additional locations for inspection and, also, to build a baseline for
long-term monitoring. I should add that, notwithstanding the increased
tempo of inspections, the Iraqi Government has generally not sought to
impede these activities.
As required under Resolution 687, Iraq has also provided various written
documents purporting to contain "full, final, and complete" disclosures of
its nuclear, biological, chemical, and ballistic missile weapons programs.
One set of reports, received by the United Nations in March, is still being
reviewed by UNSCOM and the IAEA, as is another set dealing with dual-use
items. While the review and verification process is a lengthy one, we do not
now believe that either set of reports will meet the disclosure
requirements of the relevant resolutions.
Further, with respect to the full, final, and complete declaration required by
UNSCR [UN Security Council Resolution] 707, Iraq has continued to withhold
information on procurement to support its WMD [weapons of mass
destruction] programs, including detailed year-by-year breakdowns of
production and imports, and their (foreign) sources. The Government of Iraq
has lamely defended its refusal to provide this information by stating that
disclosure of the name of foreign suppliers would place those companies
and, particularly, their managements at risk of physical retaliation by the
clandestine services of certain states.
As a general comment on the disclosure provisions of [Resolution] 687, let
me say that the significant progress we have made toward locating
prohibited materials and facilities and toward piecing together an in-depth
picture of Iraq's various weapons programs has come about despite Iraqi
cooperation and not because of it. The most egregious example of non-
cooperation was the refusal of Iraqi authorities to permit a weapons
inspection team from the UN Special Commission [UNSCOM], to examine what
the United Nations believes to be prohibited materials relating to weapons
of mass destruction housed in the so-called Agriculture Ministry in Baghdad.
Destruction.
Notwithstanding the handicaps imposed by Iraq's
attempts to evade full disclosure, UNSCOM has proceeded with destruction
of Iraq-declared, or UN-discovered, weapons and materials.
Destruction of chemical materials is the most advanced. Some 463
chemical munitions, most of which were either filled or partially filled
with the chemical agent sarin, are now destroyed. Preparations continue for
much larger scale destruction of chemical agents at Iraq's Al Muthanna
plants, due to start this fall. No additional destruction has taken place in
the biological area, and any future destruction activities must await
UNSCOM decisions about possible dual-use facilities or discovery of suspect
sites.
The United Nations continues to make headway in the area of ballistic
missile destruction. In April, the 10th inspection team oversaw destruction
of 10 additional buildings and 45 items of production equipment associated
with the ballistic missile program. In May, the 11th inspection team
continued this process. Among other things, it inventoried equipment
designed for the production of nozzles for the Badr-2000. The team also
confirmed 89 Scud missiles unilaterally destroyed by Iraq. Combined with
62 previously confirmed, this brings the total number destroyed to 151
missiles.
In the nuclear area, the key technical installation of Iraq's clandestine
nuclear weapons program, located at Al Atheer and Al Hateen, was destroyed
during the 11th and 12th IAEA inspection missions, which occurred in April
and May-June, respectively. In addition, at the request of the 12th IAEA
inspection team, the Iraqi side has begun preparation for the destruction of
selected buildings at the Tarmiya and Ash Sharqat sites where the emis
(electro-magnetic isotopic separation) process was in use.
The IAEA has observed that while the Iraqi side's cooperation in
implementing destruction plans at Al Atheer, Al Hateen, Tarmiya, and Ash
Sharqat was very good, in the course of the 12th IAEA mission there was a
definite deterioration in the Iraqi attitude to working with the inspection
team. One manifestation of this was the often slow manner in which
meetings, transportation, and other activities were organized.
Monitoring. As has been noted here previously, the whole point of the
monitoring provisions contained in Resolutions 687 and 715 is to enable the
United Nations to continuously assess a factual baseline against subsequent
events and developments. After more than 1 year of field work and other
investigations, the IAEA and UNSCOM have now drawn reasonably accurate
profiles of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction programs.
Of course, important gaps remain in all areas. These include confirmation
of Iraqi claims of unilateral destruction; verification of Iraqi disclosure
reports; details on the budgetary, organizational, expenditure, import
sources; and prior use of weapons programs, particularly chemical weapons
and so on. And, of course, there is also the continuing problem of Iraq's
rejection of long-term monitoring, a self-defeating position since it will
only prolong the period of intense scrutiny to which Iraq must be subjected
in the meantime.
Return of Property
The UN-supervised return of Kuwaiti property stolen from Iraq continues to
move slowly. Since my predecessor's testimony to the committee in April,
the focus has been on securing the return of remaining military equipment,
including tanks, spare parts, salvageable parts of damaged aircraft, and I-
Hawk missile systems. Kuwait has indicated to the United Nations that
return of the I-Hawk missile systems is now its number one priority.
For the first time, Iraq has returned some boats belonging to various
Kuwaiti entities. About 20 vessels were returned by sea during the past
month.
The UN return-of-property coordinator has gained the agreement of both
sides to a land transfer point on the Iraq-Kuwait border at Safwan. Both the
United Nations and Kuwait have now constructed facilities there (Kuwait on
its side of the border) for the use of staff involved in the transfer. Once the
final modalities are worked out by the UN, Safwan will be used for the
transfer of heavy military equipment.
UNIKOM
We remain very pleased with the performance of the UN Iraq-Kuwait
Observation Mission (UNIKOM) and believe it should be maintained for the
foreseeable future. Conditions in UNIKOM's area of operations have continued
[to be] calm since my predecessor's testimony in April. UNIKOM investigates
the occasional minor complaint from either side.
UNIKOM's chief military observer, General Greindl of Austria, who did an
excellent job in establishing UNIKOM, was replaced in July by Maj. Gen.
Timothy K. Dibuama of Ghana.
In addition to its observer duties, UNIKOM, on a voluntary basis, has
provided engineering support and logistical assistance to staff of the UN
Iraq-Kuwait Boundary Demarcation Commission [who are] physically
demarcating the land portion of the Iraq-Kuwait boundary. UNIKOM plans to
continue this assistance to the commission when it resumes its laying of
markers in October-November.
Unfortunately, after final demarcation of the land boundary, as decided by
the UN Boundary Demarcation Commission, an additional Iraqi border police
post will be on the Kuwaiti side of the boundary, bringing the total to six.
Once the commission issues its final report to the Secretary General and the
report is officially endorsed by the Security Council, Iraq will have no
alternative but to remove these posts.
UN Iraq-Kuwait Boundary Demarcation Commission
As mandated under UNSCR 687, the UN Iraq-Kuwait Boundary Demarcation
Commission has met several times to take decisions on demarcating the
border based on information from a 1963 agreement in which Iraq and
Kuwait agreed to respect a common border described in a 1932 exchange of
letters. The commission's mandate is to "demarcate" the border, that is, to
physically locate the border based on their objective evaluations of the
1963 agreement and other evidence.
At the commission's April 8-16 session in New York, it reviewed the work
of the joint New Zealand-Swedish survey team, which provided the basis of
the orthophoto mapping of the Iraq-Kuwait border area. The commission's
independent experts had also reviewed the materials requested of Iraq and
Kuwait on the land boundary. Adhering to the delimitation formula and
based on the findings of the independent experts and deliberations of the
commission, the commission decided on the points demarcating the land
portion of the Iraq-Kuwait boundary. Iraq did not participate in the vote on
the land demarcation points.
The commission's interim report indicates that there will be some
relocation of the de facto boundary in both directions. Iraq is unhappy about
losing some territory in the Umm Qasr port, especially some naval
facilities, and the Rumaylah oil field areas.
After deciding on the land boundary at its April session, the commission
physically placed some temporary border markers. The commission plans to
resume placing border markers in October-November when there are more
favorable weather conditions.
Iraqi officials have made numerous statements criticizing the commission's
work and its demarcation of the land boundary, which cast doubt about Iraq's
ultimate acceptance of the demarcation.
Iraqi Foreign Minister Ahmed Hussein sent a 43-page letter to the Secretary
General May 21 calling into question Iraq's previous formal acceptance of
both UNSCR 687 and the Secretary General's plan for implementing its
border demarcation provisions, as well as the finality of the commission's
decisions. It denounced the decisions adopted by the commission concerning
the land boundary, as well as the mandate, composition, and working
methods of the commission. The Iraqi letter also suggested Iraq may
dispute the very existence of Kuwait.
The Security Council responded to the Iraqi letter with a strong presidential
statement adopted June 17 emphasizing the following:
The inviolability of the international boundary between Iraq and Kuwait
being demarcated by the commission and guaranteed by the council pursuant
to Resolution 687 (1991), and the grave consequences that would ensue from
any breach thereof.
More recently, the Iraqi Foreign Minister informed the Secretary General in a
July 11 letter that Iraq would not participate in the boundary demarcation
commission's July 15-24 session in New York.
In spite of Iraq's decision to boycott the commission's July session, the
commission met, finalized its report on the land boundary section, and
discussed the Khaur Abd Allah, the off-shore boundary. We expect the
commission to submit its final report on demarcation of the land boundary
to the Secretary General very soon, who will then transmit it to the
Security Council for endorsement. The commission has scheduled another
meeting in October to discuss the Khor Abdullah. The commission expects to
finish demarcating the land boundary with physical markers by the end of
1992.
We note that the commission's July 24 press release at the conclusion of its
July session rejected Iraqi charges of partiality, of not being afforded the
opportunity to provide the commission with all relevant material and
evidence, and of depriving Iraq of an outlet to the sea by its demarcation
decisions.
Detainees
Unfortunately, there has been very little progress since my predecessor last
testified on a grave and continuing humanitarian concern: the fate of the
missing persons presumed to remain in Iraq.
A large number of prisoners of war, persons missing in action, and civilian
detainees remain unaccounted for. Kuwait's list of 850, most recently
revised in March, remains the best estimate of the number of Kuwaiti (723)
and third-country (127) persons presumed to remain in Iraq. Since March,
81 persons have been repatriated, including 20 persons on the Kuwaiti list
of 850.
The other 61 persons were family reunification or special humanitarian
cases. Kuwait is continuing its pain-staking efforts to verify and update its
list of missing. Thus, about 800 missing persons still remain in Iraq,
according to Kuwait.
In recent months, Kuwait has focused on individual case files, submitting
to Iraq four batches of files totaling 70 persons, through the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), which requested Iraq to conduct a
thorough search. Iraq has responded--unacceptably--to the first batch of
13 files, with the curt reply that offices were notified and no information
found, without providing ICRC the details of what sort of search was
conducted.
Iraq has also rejected ICRC requests to visit prisons and detention centers
in Iraq, in accordance with ICRC's standard procedures for such visits,
which are designed to facilitate ICRC's efforts to repatriate the missing and
detained.
Most ominously, in a letter dated April 20 from the Iraqi Foreign Minister
to the Secretary General, Iraq, in effect, stated that by publishing the lists
of the missing in several newspapers, it had already done all it can to
search for the missing. The Iraqi letter concludes that Iraq has "no further
information to furnish in the future."
Iraq's uncooperative and dilatory behavior on this humanitarian issue
continues to cause great mental and emotional anguish for the families of
the missing. Iraq is obligated under the two cease-fire resolutions of the
Security Council, 686 and 687, to facilitate ICRC's efforts to resolve this
humanitarian issue.
Multilateral Economic Sanctions
The UN economic sanctions regime is a critical mechanism for maintaining
pressure on Iraq to fulfill the terms of the cease-fire resolution. In view of
Iraq's consistently uncooperative behavior on most aspects of Resolution
687 and related resolutions, I can report that the sanctions regime
continues to have the solid support of the members of the Council. This
support continues despite aggressive Iraqi diplomatic and propaganda
initiatives to persuade some members to argue for a partial or complete
lifting of the sanctions. The Council's determination to maintain the
sanctions was amply demonstrated yet again on Monday, when it decided to
maintain the full force of the regime.
The maritime embargo continues to be vigorously applied through the
efforts of our own and other cooperating naval forces in the Persian Gulf,
the Red Sea, and the Gulf of Aqaba. We have continued to encourage the
Government of Jordan to tighten up on movements of goods across its border
with Iraq. Although we believe there are still shipments which move across
that border without the approval of the UN Sanctions Committee, it is worth
noting that the Jordanian authorities are now regular petitioners for
committee approval. We will continue to be in contact with the Jordanians
on this important issue.
While enforcing the sanctions regime, the Council and its sanctions
committee have been continuously alert to the humanitarian needs of the
Iraqi people. In the 16 months since the cease-fire, planned shipments to
Iraq of 9.5 million tons of foodstuffs and approaching $1-billion worth of
other essential goods were notified to or approved by the sanctions
committee under procedures established by Resolution 687. The committee
routinely approves the sale or shipment to Iraq of such necessities as
medical and hospital equipment and supplies, clothing and shoes, animal
feeds and agricultural seeds, supplies for primary education, essential
agricultural equipment and machinery, soap and detergent, parts and
materials for water treatment and sewage disposal and grain storage, food
packaging, and processing materials. It also approves building materials
vehicles, communications equipment, and other goods for use in the
programs of the various humanitarian agencies working in Iraq.
By and large, all other items are prohibited, including all items which would
serve as inputs to Iraqi industry. As an example, the committee routinely
approves the export of civilian finished clothing but opposes the export of
fabric to be made into clothes in Iraqi factories. Any humanitarian good
which might have a dual-use is also rejected unless the item will remain
under the control of an appropriate humanitarian agency and will be re-
exported from Iraq upon termination of the particular program.
As you know, a major effort in this area was the Security Council's adoption
of Resolutions 706 and 712, the resolutions which permit the export of Iraqi
oil in order to finance humanitarian imports to benefit all the people of that
country and to fund UN programs mandated by the cease-fire resolution.
After several, protracted rounds of face-to-face discussions on the
implementation of these resolutions, I regret to say that the Iraqis continue
to reject 706 and 712, most recently in statements last week. We regret
the Iraqi rejection, because the resolutions provide the best way to ensure
that Iraq meets its humanitarian obligations to its own people. The
resolutions also provide the best means to ensure financing for the other UN
functions mandated by the Council. These functions are critical, and now
that Iraq says it has no intention of pursuing the resolutions further, we
are, together with other concerned countries, developing other options for
funding those activities. Iraq should understand that the alternatives to
706 and 712 will all be less attractive from the Iraqi perspective.
Humanitarian
All available reports indicate that sufficient amounts of food and other
essential civilian items are entering Iraq. The distribution of these
essential items is far from equitable, however, and most items are
somewhat more expensive compared to pre-1991 prices.
Since October 1991, the Baghdad regime has imposed an internal embargo on
shipments of essential goods to the predominantly Kurdish-held areas of
northern Iraq. Although supplies reach Kurdish areas through major
international humanitarian relief efforts and through traditional trade links
with Turkey and Iran, the flow of rations to the area is considerably less
than to provinces in the central Sunni heartland.
Reports from a variety of sources indicate that there are continuing
problems in the predominantly Shi'a south. The Iraqi Government has
intensified military actions against the Arabs living in the marshes and has
impeded distribution of clean water and cut off sanitation services.
It is clear that through its continuing repression of ethnic and religious
groups, its internal embargo, its denial of access by UN and other
international relief agencies to many vulnerable groups, and its obstruction
of relief, logistical, and supply efforts, Iraq continues to violate Resolution
688.
Over the last several weeks, the United Nations has been unsuccessful in
its efforts to gain an extension of the memorandum of understanding [MOU]
that provided a platform for the humanitarian relief operations mounted by
the United Nations and many non-governmental relief organizations. When
the MOU expired on June 30, the Secretary General issued a statement which
confirmed that the UN agencies would continue to carry out their programs
in Iraq under "existing arrangements."
However, it has been increasingly difficult for them to do so, and the plight
of the non-governmental agencies in some cases is even more troublesome.
Although the Iraqi authorities have told the United Nations that there will
be no problem with visas and internal travel permits, the expiration of most
of these documents make movement in and around the country problematic,
clearly hampering operations. Recent attacks on UN guards and other
humanitarian personnel--including the recent killing of one UN guard--are
cause for great concern, as are repeated acts of harassment committed
against UN vehicles, property, and programs. The United Nations is
maintaining its presence in the face of Iraqi harassment, but several NGOs
[non-governmental organizations] have concluded they must leave.
Iraq's failure to renew the MOU and to take adequate steps to ensure the
safety of UN and NGO relief personnel violates Iraq's obligations under
Resolution 688. Although discussions between the Iraqis and senior UN
personnel continue, Iraq has not given the United Nations any real indication
that it is prepared to renew the MOU or permit the UN guards' contingent--on
which the agencies depend for their security--to remain. We will be
watching this situation carefully in the days to come.
UN Compensation Commission
To provide compensation for direct losses suffered as a result of Iraq's
unlawful invasion and occupation of Kuwait, the Security Council created a
compensation commission to process and decide claims and a compensation
fund to pay them.
The governing council of the compensation commission completed its sixth
session in June and has now been in existence for 1 year. Its
accomplishments to date have been impressive:
-- Adoption of the legal criteria for the filing of six categories of claims,
including all claims of individuals, corporations, governments, and
international organizations;
-- Distribution of claims forms for all individual and corporate claims;
-- Receipt of the first "urgent" claims of individuals who departed Kuwait
or Iraq, suffered death or serious injury, or suffered losses up to $100,000;
[and]
-- Adoption of the rules of procedure for processing claims and of
clarification on a number of key matters, for example, issues relating to
business losses.
Despite these achievements, the commission suffers from a critical lack of
resources for its operations and has no funds to pay claims. Its revenues
are to come from a percentage of the value of Iraq oil exports. However,
Iraq's behavior does not justify lifting the sanctions, and it has refused to
accept the terms of Security Council Resolutions 706 and 712, which would
have authorized $1.6 billion in oil sales for humanitarian purposes, with
30% of this amount for the compensation process. Unfortunately, for
Saddam Hussein's victims, many of whom are people without financial
reserves, justice delayed means, in important respects, justice denied.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 31, August 3, 1992
Title: Iraq's Non-Compliance With UN Security Council
Resolutions: Ward
Ward
Source: George F. Ward, Jr, Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary for International Organizations Affairs
Description: Statement before the Subcommittees on Europe and the
Middle East and on Human Rights and International
Organizations of the House Foreign Affairs Committee,
Washington, DC
Date: Jul, 29 19927/29/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa
Country: Iraq
Subject: United Nations
[TEXT]
Thank you, Chairman Hamilton and Chairman Yatron. I appreciate this
opportunity to update you and the other members of your subcommittees on
Iraq's non-compliance with the requirements of UN Security Council
Resolution 687 and related issues. Since last April, when my predecessor,
Deputy Assistant Secretary John Wolf, testified before you, Iraq has
continued its pattern of evasion of the requirements of the United Nations.
Iraq's behavior has, in fact, taken a disturbing turn for the worse in recent
weeks. In the past, the Government of Iraq sought to evade UN requirements
--piecemeal--through lies and other deceptions. Now, the Iraqi authorities
are categorically refusing to cooperate with the United Nations on a range
of issues. These extend from interfering with UN Special Commission
(UNSCOM) and International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspectors--who
are mandated by the Security Council to discover and eliminate Iraq's
weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and related programs--to blocking UN
and other international humanitarian assistance to Iraq's population. In
defiance of the Security Council, Saddam Hussein has renewed a campaign of
murder and destruction against his own people in southern Iraq.
The Government of Iraq cannot reasonably misunderstand the clear,
unequivocal determination of the Security Council to see all relevant
resolutions complied with. When he met with the Security Council in March,
Deputy Prime Minister Tariq Aziz was informed that Iraq had no choice but
to comply. Yet we have seen the Iraqi authorities continue to defy the
United Nations, most recently in refusing, until yesterday, to grant the
United Nations access to the agriculture ministry building in Baghdad. The
Iraqis are playing a dangerous game. Their behavior has called into question
the terms on which the cessation of hostilities following [Operation] Desert
Storm was arranged.
Weapons of Mass Destruction
We are confident that, despite the efforts of Saddam Hussein's regime to
footdrag, obfuscate, lie, and evade, the United Nations can carry out the
complex and daunting task of ferreting out Iraqi weapons of mass
destruction and related production facilities and programs. UNSCOM and the
IAEA, aided by information and other assistance that we and other states
provide, have demonstrated superb skill and dedicated perseverance in
carrying out the task mandated under Resolution 687.
To date, UNSCOM and the IAEA have conducted 40 inspections--13 nuclear,
12 ballistic missile, 8 chemical weapons, 2 biological weapons, 2 combined
chemical-biological weapons, 2 chemical destruction, and 1 chemical
destruction group (to establish a facility for the destruction of chemical
munitions in Iraq). These have not been easy inspections. The Iraqis
continue to try to obstruct the United Nations at every turn. But through
unswerving perseverance and aggressiveness, as well as international
support, the United Nations has made commendable progress uncovering
details about Iraqi WMD programs.
The United Nations has begun to destroy equipment and facilities that were
earmarked on previous inspections. The United Nations destroyed dual-use
missile production equipment at Taji. The IAEA demanded and oversaw
destruction at Al Atheer, an Iraqi nuclear weapons facility. Chemical
weapons destruction teams have begun the long and arduous job of
demolishing thousands of munitions and vast stocks of chemicals at the Al
Muthanna State Establishment.
The inspections and, more recently, the destruction of equipment and
facilities are deterring and eliminating Iraq's capabilities in weapons of
mass destruction. The depth of Iraq's concern with this can be measured by
its recent tactics. From July 5 to July 28, the Iraqi Government refused
access by a team of UNSCOM inspectors to a Ministry of Agriculture building.
Despite a UN Security Council statement branding this act an "unacceptable
breach" of its obligations under relevant UN Security Council resolutions and
a trip to Baghdad by UNSCOM Chairman Ekeus to resolve this standoff, Iraq
continued to rebuff the United Nations. Access to the building was gained
only after Chairman Ekeus resolutely persisted in his demands and after
Iraq was warned of the serious consequences of failure to honor its
obligations.
After false claims of having declared all remaining WMD and months of
promising "full, final, and complete" disclosure of its WMD-related
programs, Iraq submitted dossiers on all four weapons categories on June 8.
Still, according to a multinational assessment at UNSCOM in July, this "final
declaration" falls short. Moreover, one key issue--long-term monitoring--
remains unresolved.
The most recent UNSCOM ballistic missile team (the 11th), which left Iraq
May 22, verified the remainder of Iraq's March 19 declaration, verified the
destruction of dual-use equipment and buildings, and inspected five
undeclared sites.
The IAEA has also started to destroy key components of Iraq's nuclear
program. Despite Iraqi attempts to persuade the IAEA of its peaceful
purpose, 8 buildings and 29 pieces of equipment at Al Atheer --the core
facility of Iraq's nuclear weapons program--were destroyed in May.
Destruction of chemical weapons continues. A chemical destruction group
has taken residence in Baghdad and is preparing for the incineration of gas
munitions and hydrolysis of nerve agents over the next 18 months.
Funding for the Special Commission's essential work has been problematic.
Under UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 699, Iraq is to pay all costs
associated with the destruction of its nuclear, chemical, and biological
weapons programs, as well as the ballistic missiles specified in UNSCR 687.
But such payment can only come about after Iraq has resumed oil exports. In
order to provide UNSCOM with financing, the United States has made
available $14 million to date, which includes $10 million from our payment
of arrears and $4 million as a voluntary contribution. We plan to provide
another $30.6 million from our payment of arrears by the end of July. All
these funds are to be eventually reimbursed by Iraq.
I don't want to suggest that the United Nations is almost finished with
inspections in Iraq or that UNSCOM is resting on its laurels. Rather, the
destruction phase is complementing continuing on-site and challenge
inspections. Only through continued intrusive inspections, dogged pursuit of
details, and long-term careful monitoring will we ever learn the true nature
of all of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction. The United Nations continues
to plan, and we maintain our strong support for, inspections even as
equipment already identified is destroyed. The United Nations and we are
determined to enforce a critical element of UNSCR 687-- long-term
monitoring as mandated by UNSCR 715.
Return of Stolen Kuwaiti Assets
Return of stolen military and civilian property has been very slow but is
finally making progress. The United Nations is overseeing and coordinating
the return. When my predecessor addressed these subcommittees last fall,
gold, currency, and cultural property were in the process of being returned,
and we were pressing for return of the remaining civilian property and
Kuwaiti military property, including I-Hawk missiles. Since then, some
additional civilian equipment and part of the military property has now been
returned, including boats, fixed-wing and rotary aircraft, aircraft engines,
and spares. An agreement among the United Nations, Kuwait, and Iraq
specifies that return of heavy military equipment, including the I-Hawks,
will take place in Safwan this fall. While we are disturbed about the slow
rate of return, it does appear that, with the assistance of the United
Nations, progress is being made.
UNIKOM and Boundary Commission
We are very concerned by recent Iraqi behavior with regard to demarcation
of the border between Iraq and Kuwait. In a letter, dated May 21, to the
Security Council, Iraqi Foreign Minister Ahmed Hussein appeared to call into
question the finality of the work of the Boundary Commission. The letter
also made historical arguments which appeared to call into question Iraq's
acceptance of Kuwait. The Security Council reacted sharply to this letter
with a statement issued on June 17 that reiterated the finality of the
commission's work, reiterated the Council's obligation to guarantee the
inviolability of the Kuwait-Iraq border, and rejected any Iraqi suggestion
calling into question the work of the commission. In a press release
announcing the finalization of its work on demarcating the land border, the
commission stated: "Both Iraq and Kuwait had every opportunity to provide
the Commission with all relevant material and evidence."
In a July 12 letter to the Secretary General, the Foreign Minister of Iraq
stated that the Iraqi representative would not participate in the sixth
session of the Boundary Commission which was held from July 15 to 24 in
New York. We commend the work of the commission and support its
findings, which will allow the border between Kuwait and Iraq to be finally
marked on the ground. We would note that under the terms of UNSCR 687,
Iraq is obligated to accept the findings of the commission. The commission
has decided to meet again in September to consider the off-shore boundary.
UNIKOM is functioning well. Except for the issue of placement of five Iraqi
border posts inside the de facto Kuwaiti border, there are no significant
issues to raise. UNIKOM has protested the border posts on the Kuwaiti side
of the border and has reported to the UN Security Council. The Iraqis claim
that the posts were in their current location before the war and have told
UNIKOM they intend to keep them until the final border demarcation.
Humanitarian Situation
Iraq is required by Security Council Resolution 687 to release all Kuwaiti
and other hostages at once. The agony of Kuwaitis whose loved ones were
taken to Iraq during or at the conclusion of Iraq's brutal occupation and
whose fate is unknown is heartbreaking. The Kuwaiti Government has
provided the United Nations and the International Committee of the Red
Cross (ICRC) with a carefully prepared and reviewed list of some 850
missing citizens believed to be in Iraq. Despite numerous requests by the
United Nations and the ICRC, Iraq has not permitted ICRC monitors to visit
places of detention and other areas where these abducted persons are
believed to be held. While the return of Kuwaiti assets and weaponry
continues, the inhumanity of Iraqi stone- walling on this most fundamental
humanitarian obligation remains a matter of grave concern to Kuwait and
the international community.
Iraq's campaign of deception extends beyond its efforts to preserve its high
priority military programs. Saddam Hussein's regime has cynically
trafficked on the misery of his own people in order to garner international
support for the relaxation of sanctions against Iraq. The tragic plight of the
Iraqi people, whose suffering is deliberately inflicted through the ruthless
policies of the Government of Iraq, is mocked by official Iraqi complaints
that economic sanctions are the cause of hardships faced by the Iraqi
population.
Well-fed henchmen of Saddam Hussein are happy to conduct foreign
journalists on tours of hospital wards where mothers and young children
languish or to show on Western television screens children crying for want
of proper nourishment. Meanwhile, Iraqi forces continue a blockade of
internationally distributed food and other humanitarian supplies to northern
Iraq. Elsewhere, Iraqi authorities warn citizens not to accept
internationally provided assistance under pain of being charged with
espionage.
Food production in northern Iraq lags behind that elsewhere in the country.
While Iraq has lately circulated the ludicrous charge that Operation Provide
Comfort aircraft have fire- bombed wheat fields, the truth is that Iraq has
prevented the use of helicopters for aerial pesticide spraying of the fields
and, thereby, diminished yields in the north.
The savagery Saddam Hussein has directed against his own people has been
documented in chilling detail in a UN report on the human rights situation in
Iraq prepared by Ambassador Max Van der Stoel, the UN Special Rapporteur
for Iraq. This report presents a very different picture from the one Iraq's
propagandists would have us see. A government whose agents themselves
coolly documented the methodical murder of tens of thousands of people
who proved an inconvenience to the regime cannot expect credibility when it
comes to pleading humanitarian concerns before international public
opinion. Ambassador Van der Stoel's conclusion that the crimes committed
by Saddam Hussein and his cronies against the people of Iraq are among the
very worst seen by the world since the Second World War is not overstated.
The discovery of a large cache of documents in northern Iraq, apparently the
files of the Iraqi secret police, has provided gruesome detail of Iraq's
wholesale abuses of human rights and thoroughly supports Ambassador Van
der Stoel's findings. These documents were removed from Iraq and are now
deposited with the National Archives. The UN Economic and Social Council
has authorized another mission by Ambassador Van der Stoel to Iraq, and a
further report on human rights in Iraq. A preliminary report will be
presented to the General Assembly this fall.
The international community continues to be deeply concerned and
responsive to the plight of Iraq's needy, providing approximately 375 UN
humanitarian personnel, 406 UN guards, 300 Red Cross workers, and 192
employees of private organizations in Iraq. The United Nations and its
agencies have extended approximately $360 million in humanitarian
assistance to the Iraqi people since April 1991. The Red Cross has given
another $100 million.
US contributions include approximately $100 million to the United Nations,
over 63,000 metric tons of food, and $6.9 million to private agencies for
programs in Iraq. These amounts, together with the cost of Operation
Provide Comfort, bring the total US expenditure for the people of Iraq to
nearly $650 million in the past 18 months.
Blockade of the North and Repression in the South
As I mentioned earlier, the Government of Iraq apparently has no qualms
about the hypocrisy of its public position on sanctions: While attacking
internationally imposed trade sanctions, it restricts food, medicine, and
fuel reaching minority groups in northern and southern Iraq. There have also
been a number of acts of intimidation and harassment aimed at UN and
other personnel engaged in the humanitarian effort in northern Iraq. Fire-
bombings, car bombs, [and] refusal to grant permission to travel to
international personnel are among acts for which we hold the Government of
Iraq accountable.
Because the Iraqi Government has severely restricted access by foreigners
to southern Iraq, we do not have a clear picture of the situation in this
predominantly Shi'a region. We know that in recent days, Iraqi forces using
attack jet aircraft and helicopters to support elements of several divisions
have been attacking Shi'a in the marsh areas north of Basra. Both these
attacks in the south and the continued blockade in the north are flagrant
violations of UNSCR 688, which requires Iraq to grant unimpeded access to
humanitarian workers, and to refrain from any repressive measures against
civilians.
Mr. Van der Stoel also cites reports of other activities by the Iraqi army in
the region of the southern marshes, including:
-- Tightening of control over food destined for the area;
-- Evacuation of all areas within 3 kilometers of the marshes;
-- Killing of large numbers of animals and birds in the marshes;
-- Dumping of toxic chemicals into marsh waters; and
-- Military attacks that have resulted in hundreds of deaths.
These repressive policies toward Iraqis living in the north and south and the
array of human rights violations listed by Mr. Van der Stoel, not to mention
the repression shown during Iraq's occupation of Kuwait, make the truth
inescapable: The biggest problem confronting the Iraqi people is not the
sanctions imposed by the United Nations; it is the policies imposed by the
government of Saddam Hussein.
International Humanitarian Relief
Action must be taken to alleviate the suffering of vulnerable groups inside
Iraq. After the Iraqi army chased hundreds of thousands of refugees into the
mountains along the border with Turkey and Iran, the Security Council
adopted Resolution 688. This resolution told Iraq to allow humanitarian
organizations immediate access to those in need of assistance and
requested UN agencies to meet the critical needs of Iraqi refugees and
displaced persons.
We recognize that UN agencies must, of necessity, work with authorities in
Baghdad. For this purpose, and to establish the specifics of the UN
humanitarian programs in Iraq, the United Nations had signed a memorandum
of understanding (MOU) with the Government of Iraq, which lapsed at the end
of June. While Iraq's failure to renew this MOU is yet another example of
Iraq's non-cooperation with the international community, we believe that it
does not affect Iraq's basic obligations under UNSCR 688 to permit
unhindered access by international humanitarian agencies to the people
throughout Iraq.
Since April 1991, the United Nations has been helping refugees and the
displaced, along with the most needy in vulnerable groups throughout Iraq.
Between March and December 1991, donors provided almost $322 million to
fund UN relief efforts in the Gulf region. In January, the United Nations
requested $120 million more to fund operations through June 1992. The
United States responded with a pledge of $42 million, more than half the
total received to date. Other donors contributed about $25 million. It is
critical for the international community to continue to fund humanitarian
programs in Iraq. We call on all donors who have not yet pledged to do so,
quickly and generously. We recently announced a pledge of $6.5 million for
the continued funding of the UN Guard Program and expect to make a further
substantial contribution to other humanitarian programs shortly.
The United Nations has accomplished a great deal with this money. More
than 1.8 million refugees were repatriated from Turkey and Iran to Iraq last
year. Materials to build winter shelters were provided to about 74,000
families. More than 87,000 metric tons of food were provided, with three-
quarters of it going to displaced persons concentrated in northern Iraq.
Just as important as the emergency supplies has been the maintenance of a
500-man UN Guard Contingent operating across northern Iraq and in the
southern town of Basra. The guards are charged with providing security to
UN personnel and equipment. They serve as de facto monitors whose
presence deters violence on the part of both the Iraqi army and the Kurdish
peshmerga.
Iraq Sanctions
In discussing the issues of sanctions and the humanitarian needs of the Iraqi
people, three points should be understood:
First, the sanctions imposed against Iraq by the United Nations in Security
Council Resolutions 661 and 687 are designed to ensure that the Iraqi
leadership lives up to obligations clearly spelled out in various UN
resolutions. Resolution 687 makes no provision for any easing of sanctions
before Iraq fully complies.
Second, these sanctions were never intended to punish innocent Iraqi
civilians. For this reason, medicine was excluded from the trade sanctions
imposed before the war, and food and medicine have been excluded from the
sanctions continued following the cease-fire.
Finally, the international community will continue to battle the suffering
which the repressive policies of the government of Saddam Hussein have
brought to the Iraqi people. It will not, however, trust his government with
unmonitored supervision of humanitarian assistance.
Many, led by Iraqi Government officials, have overstated the impact of
sanctions on the Iraqi public welfare. UN officials have assured us that
there are adequate stocks of food in Iraq and that malnutrition is not a
serious problem in any region, apart from instances when Iraqi Government
policies block access to food. UN sanctions do not block the export of
essential civilian items to Iraq. During the year ending March 1992, the UN
sanctions committee was informed of plans to export 8.1 million metric
tons of food to Iraq, which is actually more than Iraq's annual pre-war food
imports. Recent reports from Baghdad indicate that the shelves are fully
stocked with food, although at prices 30 to 100 times greater than before
the Gulf crisis.
Yet Iraqis continue to finance imports, evidently drawing on personal
accounts of hidden private reserves held outside Iraq and probably by
smuggling out Iraqi objects of value. Iraq continues to press for release of
its frozen assets for humanitarian purchases, and several countries have
allowed some Iraqi assets to be used. Most recently, Iraq has stepped up its
pressure on the Bank for International Settlements in Basel to release $300
million for humanitarian purchases. The Bank's board has not yet acted but
may feel legally bound to do so soon.
Security Council Resolutions 706 and 712
Though a share of Iraq's imports of medicine, food, and essential civilian
items is being provided by relief agencies, the overwhelming majority is
being purchased commercially by government and private buyers. We know
that Iraq's finances are tight. Foreign exchange is in short supply, and the
value of the Iraqi dinar is collapsing. To assure that Iraq had the financial
resources to purchase humanitarian supplies, the Security Council offered
Resolutions 706 and 712. Iraq has turned this offer of an exemption to the
embargo into a travesty--refusing to implement the offer while seeking to
highlight and exploit the suffering of the Iraqi people. Saddam has played on
the hopes and good intentions of the world while dragging out the suffering
of his citizens by engaging the United Nations in fruitless discussions on
the modalities of implementation and then suspending these talks last
month.
The United Nations has discussed for many months with Iraq ways to
implement UN Security Council Resolutions 706 and 712, which allow Iraq
to export oil and buy humanitarian goods under UN supervision. Negotiations
were suspended the middle of last month and, on July 11, the Iraqi
Government notified the United Nations that it categorically rejected 706
[and] 712, and was not willing to export oil and import goods under the
conditions of UN supervision imposed by 706 and 712.
Iraq, which arrived at its present circumstances by invading its neighbor,
complains that the measures advocated by the United Nations would violate
Iraq's sovereignty. Iraq has demanded sole control of the sale of oil and
disbursement of oil revenues, without UN supervision or monitoring.
We believe the Security Council has made it unmistakably clear that, until
Iraq complies with all pertinent UN resolutions, any oil exported from Iraq
must be pumped under the mechanisms established by Resolutions 706 and
712. The international community has made it clear to Iraq that, given
Iraq's dubious record, there also must be international supervision of both
the export of oil and the distribution of humanitarian relief. Saddam cannot
be trusted with unfettered access to oil income, having for the past decade
devoted much of Iraq's fortune to military expenditures rather than to
improving the welfare of his people.
Saddam is solely responsible for the unfortunate situation of many of the
Iraqi people. If the Iraqi Government continues to refuse to cooperate with
the implementation of Resolutions 706 and 712, there may well be a further
deterioration of the humanitarian situation in Iraq. We will also need to
ensure continued funding for the various UN operations in Iraq--such as the
work of the Special Commission overseeing the elimination of weapons of
mass destruction--aimed at determining full Iraqi compliance with UN
mandates.
We are looking at various options for dealing with this. As the committee is
aware, one such option would be a new UN Security Council resolution which
would make use of frozen Iraqi assets overseas to keep UN operations going
and would demonstrate to Saddam Hussein that the United Nations is in
charge, and that he cannot escape compliance with UN resolutions. We are in
the process of consulting with other members of the Security Council and
with Congress on this possible approach.
Future Plans
Until funds are available from oil pumped under Resolutions 706 and 712 or
from some alternate source, the United Nations will continue to operate
under its January 6-month plan of action, which has been extended now
through August.
On the ground, the United Nations will continue to help refugees and
displaced persons. It also aims to meet the most basic needs of at-risk
populations, focusing particularly on support for essential sanitation,
medical, and agricultural services. While the focus will remain on northern
Iraq, the United Nations is also working to expand operations in the south.
In April, UNHCR [UN High Commissioner for Refugees] began phasing out its
operations in northern Iraq as most of the refugees and displaced have been
resettled, most in their former homes. The needs of the Kurdish population
have changed from those of resettlement to an emphasis on health,
sanitation, and food assistance. UNICEF [UN International Children's
Emergency Fund] is the nominal lead agency in northern Iraq, working closely
with WHO [World Health Organization], [and] FAO [Food and Agriculture
Organization], as well as representatives from private voluntary
organizations.
Conclusion
Nearly 18 months after Saddam Hussein's armies were expelled from
Kuwait, the humanitarian situation in Iraq is still unsettled. Saddam
Hussein continues to repress his people; the international community
continues to respond compassionately to their suffering. Coupled with the
continuation of his tyrannical practices, Saddam Hussein's efforts to evade
the elimination of his weapons of mass destruction complete the portrait of
a classic dictator, dangerous both to his own people and to his neighbors.
In our urge to do all we can to end the suffering of Iraq's innocent
population, we must not lose sight of its root cause: the disdain for the rule
of law and the inhumane policies of the government of Saddam Hussein.
The framework established by the 12 resolutions enacted by the Security
Council since the cessation of hostilities against Iraq provides the best
means for meeting the humanitarian needs of Iraqi civilians and for ensuring
regional peace and security by dismantling the threat Saddam's arsenal
could pose to his neighbors.
Accomplishing these intertwined goals will be among the United Nations'
highest achievements to date. The United States, along with the rest of the
international community, has a strong interest in seeing the United Nations
successful in this great endeavor. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 31, August 3, 1992
Title: Secretary's Meeting With Iraqi Opposition
Tutwiler
Source: State Department Spokesman Margaret Tutwiler
Description: Statement, Washington, DC
Date: Jul, 29 19927/29/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa
Country: Iraq
Subject: United Nations
[TEXT]
Secretary Baker met today with an ethnically and religiously diverse
delegation from the Iraqi National Congress.
The United States has long encouraged the development of a broad-based
Iraqi opposition leadership, reflective of all the elements of Iraqi society.
The Secretary and the delegation discussed our mutual interests in working
toward a democratic, pluralistic government in Iraq which lives in peace
with its neighbors and cares for its people. He stressed to the delegation
the US commitment to see full implementation of all UN Security Council
resolutions, including Resolution 688, which forbids repression of Iraq's
citizens. The United States continues to believe that it can never trust or
work with Saddam Hussein. The Secretary noted that the ultimate form of
government must, however, be a matter for the people of Iraq to decide.
Secretary Baker encouraged the six-person delegation to continue its
efforts to increase the unity among opposition groups, which was
strengthened at the June 22 Vienna conference. He noted that, by a forming
a consensus, the opposition was taking an important step toward
establishing legitimacy within Iraq and internationally. Secretary Baker
emphasized that promoting democracy, respect for human rights, equal
treatment of minorities, and abiding by basic norms of international
behavior are essential if Iraq is to be restored to the civilized community of
nations. He urged the delegation to find ways to continue to work together
and strengthen relations with Iraq's regional neighbors and indicated that
high-level consultations would continue. In conclusion, Secretary Baker
assured the delegation that the United States will continue to stand firmly
in support of the brave Iraqis who oppose Saddam's tyranny. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 31, August 3, 1992
Title: US Support for UN Action on Somalia
Perkins
Source: Edward J. Perkins, US Permanent Representative to
the United Nations
Description: Statement before the UN Security Council, New York City
Date: Jul, 27 19927/27/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa, Subsaharan Africa
Country: Somalia
Subject: United Nations, Development/Relief Aid
[TEXT]
As the White House has noted today, the tragedy in Somalia requires the
urgent attention of the international community to deal with the vast
number of Somali people suffering and dying from famine caused by the
senseless civil war raging in that country. My government strongly supports
the proposals of the Secretary General to mobilize the international
community to meet the humanitarian needs of the people of Somalia, and the
United States is ready to do its part to support the UN effort.
The provision of humanitarian relief may be expedited in some areas of
Somalia by the assistance of armed UN security guards to protect relief
workers and to help in the distribution of supplies. We support the
provision of a UN security force for such purposes both in Mogadishu and in
other parts of Somalia. At the same time, we call upon all leaders of
Somalia to cooperate with the United Nations in the safe distribution of
assistance and in the protection of all international personnel, including UN
guards, so that the necessary assistance gets quickly to those who so
desperately need it.
We are pleased that the deployment to Mogadishu of the 50 UN cease-fire
observers took place July 23. We also call on all parties and factions in
Somalia to protect these unarmed observers. We welcome proposals to send
additional cease-fire observers wherever else in Somalia they may be
needed.
I should like to take this opportunity to express our appreciation to the
Secretary General for his comprehensive report on what the United Nations
might be able to do in Somalia, and I should also like to thank the Secretary-
General's Special Representative, Ambassador Mohamad Sahnoun, for his
creativity in putting forward many of the suggestions in the Secretary-
General's report. Ambassador Sahnoun must also be commended for the
courage he has shown in traveling the length and breadth of Somalia despite
the obvious risks to his personal safety.
As the White House has stated, it is imperative that the leaders of the
Somali factions put the needs of their own people first in order that food
can reach all those in need. It is also those same leaders who must put
their country back together; the United Nations can only lend a helping hand
in that process.
Our goal and that of the United Nations should be to bring an end to the
bloodshed in Somalia and to get urgent assistance to all those in Somalia
who desperately need it. The resolution under consideration today is a good
step in that direction. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 31, August 3, 1992
Title: Tragedy in Somalia
Fitzwater
Source: White House Press Secretary Marlin Fitzwater
Description: Statement, Grand Rapids, Michigan
Date: Jul, 27 19927/27/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa, Subsaharan Africa
Country: Somalia
Subject: United Nations, Development/Relief Aid
[TEXT]
The tragedy in Somalia, where vast numbers of people are suffering and
dying from famine caused by a senseless civil war, requires the urgent
attention of the international community. We strongly support the
proposals of UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali to mobilize the
international community to meet these urgent humanitarian needs and to
convince the warring Somali factions to end the fighting. We urge the
Security Council at its meeting today to take the actions needed to
accelerate the delivery of food and medicine and to promote a peaceful
settlement of this dispute.
The United States stands ready to do its part to support these efforts. We
have committed $63 million over the past 2 years for humanitarian relief,
including airlifts of food and medical supplies. We will commit additional
resources as needed. However, more must be done to create conditions
where this vital assistance can reach the people who so desperately need it.
First and foremost, it is imperative that the leaders of the Somali factions
themselves put the needs of their own people first and allow the food to
reach all Somalis in need. We urge the United Nations to move as quickly as
possible to deploy an effective number of security guards to permit relief
supplies to move into and within Somalia. We are prepared to contribute
generously to fund such an effort. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 31, August 3, 1992
Title: UN Security Council Resolution on
Somalia
UN
Source: Office of Public Communication, Bureau of Public
Affairs
Date: Jul, 27 19927/27/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa, Subsaharan Africa
Country: Somalia
Subject: United Nations, Development/Relief Aid
[TEXT]
Resolution 767 (July 27, 1992)
The Security Council,
Considering the request by Somalia for the Security Council to consider the
situation in Somalia (S/23445),
Reaffirming its resolutions 733 (1992) of 23 January 1992, 746 (1992) of
17 March 1992 and 751 (1992) of 24 April 1992,
Having considered the report of the Secretary-General on the situation in
Somalia (S/24343),
Considering the letter of the Secretary-General to the President of the
Security Council informing him that all the parties in Mogadishu have agreed
to the deployment of the fifty Military Observers, and that the advance party
of the Observers arrived in Mogadishu on 5 July 1992 and that the rest of
the observers arrived in the mission area on 23 July 1992 (S/24179),
Deeply concerned about the availability of arms and ammunition in the hands
of civilians and the proliferation of armed banditry throughout Somalia.
Alarmed by the sporadic outbreak of hostilities in several parts of Somalia
leading to continued loss of life and destruction of property, and putting at
risk the personnel of the United Nations, non-governmental organizations
and other international humanitarian organizations, as well as disrupting
their operations,
Deeply disturbed by the magnitude of the human suffering caused by the
conflict and concerned that the situation in Somalia constitutes a threat to
international peace and security,
Gravely alarmed by the deterioration of the humanitarian situation in
Somalia and underlining the urgent need for quick delivery of humanitarian
assistance in the whole country,
Recognizing that the provision of humanitarian assistance in Somalia is an
important element in the effort of the Council to restore international
peace and security in the area,
Responding to the urgent calls by the parties in Somalia for the
international community to take measures in Somalia to ensure the delivery
of humanitarian assistance in Somalia,
Noting the Secretary-General's proposals for a comprehensive decentralized
zonal approach in the United Nations involvement in Somalia,
Cognizant that the success of such an approach requires the co-operation of
all parties, movements and factions in Somalia,
1. Takes note with appreciation of the report of the Secretary-General of
22 July 1992 (S/24343);
2. Requests the Secretary-General to make full use of all available means
and arrangements, including the mounting of an urgent airlift operation,
with a view to facilitating the efforts of the United Nations, its specialized
agencies and humanitarian organizations in accelerating the provision of
humanitarian assistance to the affected population in Somalia threatened by
mass starvation;
3. Urges all parties, movements and factions in Somalia to facilitate the
efforts of the United Nations, its specialized agencies and humanitarian
organizations to provide urgent humanitarian assistance to the affected
population in Somalia and reiterates its call for the full respect of the
security and safety of the personnel of the humanitarian organizations and
the guarantee of their complete freedom of movement in and around
Mogadishu and other parts of Somalia;
4. Calls upon all parties, movements and factions in Somalia to cooperate
with the United Nations with a view to the urgent deployment of the United
Nations security personnel called for in paragraphs 4 and 5 of its resolution
751 (1992), and otherwise assist in the general stabilization of the
situation in Somalia. In the absence of such cooperation, the Security
Council does not exclude other measures to deliver humanitarian assistance
to Somalia;
5. Reiterates its appeal to the international community to provide adequate
financial and other resources, for humanitarian efforts in Somalia;
6. Encourages the ongoing efforts of the United Nations, its specialized
agencies and humanitarian organizations, including the International
Committee of the Red Cross, to ensure delivery of humanitarian assistance
to all regions of Somalia;
7. Appeals to all parties, movements and factions in Somalia to extend full
cooperation to the military observers and to take measures to ensure their
security;
8. Requests the Secretary-General, as part of his continuing efforts in
Somalia, to promote an immediate and effective cessation of hostilities and
the maintenance of a cease-fire throughout the country in order to
facilitate the urgent delivery of humanitarian assistance and the process of
reconciliation and political settlement in Somalia;
9. Calls upon all parties, movements and factions in Somalia immediately
to cease hostilities and to maintain a cease-fire throughout the country;
10. Stresses the need for the observance and strict monitoring of the
general and complete embargo of all deliveries of weapons and military
equipment to Somalia, as decided in paragraph 5 of its resolution 733
(1992);
11. Welcomes the cooperation between the United Nations, the Organization
of African Unity, the League of Arab States and Organization of the Islamic
Conference in resolving the situation in Somalia;
12. Approves the Secretary-General's proposal to establish four operational
zones in Somalia as part of the consolidated United Nations Operations in
Somalia (UNOSON);
13. Requests the Secretary-General to ensure that his Special
Representative for Somalia is provided with all the necessary support
services to enable him effectively to carry out his mandate;
14. Strongly supports the Secretary-General's decision urgently to dispatch
a technical team to Somalia, under the overall direction of the Special
Representative, in order to work within the framework and objectives
outlined in paragraph 64 of his report (S/24343) and to submit
expeditiously a report to the Security Council on this matter;
15. Affirms that all officials of the United Nations and all experts on
mission for the United Nations in Somalia enjoy the privileges and
immunities provided for in the Convention on the Privileges and Immunities
of the United Nations of 1946 and in any other relevant instruments and that
all parties, movements, and factions in Somalia are required to allow them
full freedom of movement and all necessary facilities;
16. Requests the Secretary-General to continue urgently his consultations
with all parties, movements and factions in Somalia towards the convening
of a conference on national reconciliation and unity in Somalia in close
cooperation with the organization of African Unity, the League of Arab
States and the Organization of the Islamic Conference;
17. Calls upon all parties, movements and factions in Somalia to cooperate
fully with the Secretary-General in the implementation of this resolution;
18. Decides to remain seized of the matter until a peaceful solution is
achieved.
VOTE: Unanimous (15-0)(###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 31, August 3, 1992
Title: The Alvarez-Machain Decision
Kreczko
Source: Alan J. Kreczko, Deputy Legal Adviser
Description: Statement before the Subcommittee on Civil and
Constitutional Rights of the House Judiciary Committee,
Washington, DC
Date: Jul, 24 19927/24/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa, Subsaharan Africa
Country: Somalia
Subject: United Nations, Development/Relief Aid
[TEXT]
Mr. Cha