US Department of State 

Dispatch, Vol 2, No 36, September 9, 1991


US Approach to Changes In the Soviet Union

Baker Source: Secretary Baker Description: Opening statement from news conference, Washington, DC Date: Sep 4, 19919/4/91 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: Eurasia Country: USSR (former) Subject: Regional/Civil Unrest, Democratization [TEXT] In the last 2 weeks, we've seen another revolution blowing with fullforce across the Soviet Union. Of course, it's obvious that we want to see this revolution remain democratic, and we want to see it remain peaceful. Building democracy and free markets across the Soviet Union is not going to be an easy task after decades of totalitarianism and central planning. The work of freedom will be hard, and the transition will be painful. The Soviet peoples have to know that they have just embarked on what will be a very difficult road. But they must know, too, that there can be no turning away from democratic principles and tolerance if they truly hope to follow that road to its end and to join the democratic commonwealth of nations. We will help them move along that path of political and economic freedom. As a first step, the President has asked me to go to Moscow next week to attend the CSCE [Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe] human rights meeting and to have discussions with a number of leaders. I go to the Soviet Union with a four-part agenda. First, I will convey to Soviet leaders and to the Soviet peoples the five principles that will guide this Administration's approach to political change in the Soviet Union. However, on this overall question, let me be very clear: The Baltic states have always been and they remain a special and, indeed, separate case for the United States. We never recognized their incorporation into the Soviet Union. To us, they have never been Soviet republics but, instead, separate states for whom we helped keep alive the promise and diplomatic symbols of independence. And, of course, on Monday the President took an important step to turn that promise and those symbols into working realities, beginning the process of establishing formal diplomatic relations with the Governments of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. To emphasize America's continuing commitment to the Baltics' enduring freedom, I would like very much to visit these states on this trip. As to the changes that are taking place in center-republic relations, our policy--that is, the policy of this Administration-- toward the Soviet future will be guided by the following five principles.
First, the future of the Soviet Union is for the Soviet peoples to determine themselves, peacefully and consistent with democratic values and practices and the principles of the Helsinki Final Act. We call upon all Soviet leaders at all levels of government, including those of the republics, to show their support for these internationally accepted principles. In this process, there can be no legitimate place for threats, intimidation, coercion, or violence.
Respect of Borders
Second, we urge all to respect existing borders, both internal and external. Any change of borders should occur only legitimately by peaceful and consensual means consistent with CSCE principles.
Support of Democracy
Third, we support democracy and the rule of law, and we support peaceful change only through orderly, democratic processes, especially the processes of elections. Safeguarding of Human Rights. Fourth, we call for the safeguarding of human rights, based on full respect for the individual and including equal treatment of minorities.
Respect for International Law
Fifth, we urge respect for international law and obligations, especially adherence to the provisions of the Helsinki Final Act and the Charter of Paris. Clearly, on the first and most important steps the Soviet leaders and peoples need to take is to clarify the precise interrelationships both among the various republics and between the republics and the center. We will recommend that these relationships be clarified in ways that are supportive of the five principles that I've just outlined. The second item on my agenda on this trip will be our support for fundamental economic reform and immediate humanitarian needs. The Soviet political revolution must now be matched by an economic revolution. In Moscow, I will seek to meet with Prime Minister Silayev and the members of the Economic Commission to urge rapid development of a new, comprehensive economic adjustment and reform plan in close consultation with the IMF [International Monetary Fund], the World Bank, and the other international economic institutions. This, we think, is the critical next step. I will also be discussing with Soviet leaders at all levels humanitarian needs for the winter. This work will complement the efforts being undertaken by the presidential mission. And, finally, I plan to examine how our technical assistance can be accelerated to both help meet humanitarian needs and to prepare the foundations for long-term restructuring. The third item on my agenda will be Soviet foreign policy. In particular, I will be continuing to work on efforts to convene a peace conference to launch direct negotiations and thereby to facilitate a viable peace-making process in the Middle East. After consulting with our Japanese partners, I also would hope to be able to accelerate action on the Northern Territories, stressing the need to close out the last significant vestige of World War II. And the fourth item on my agenda--fourth and finally--I hope to have some talks about Soviet security policy generally, so that we can ensure proper follow-through on treaty commitments and understandings on nuclear safety and pave the way for a genuine and extensive defense conversion effort. (###)
US Department of State Dispatch, Vol 2, No 36, September 9, 1991 Title:

USSR Developments and The Western Hemisphere

Einaudi Source: Ambassador Luigi R. Einaudi, US Permanent Representative to the Organization of American States (OAS) Description: Statement at the Special Session of the OAS Permanent Council, Washington, DC Date: Aug 28, 19918/28/91 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: South America, Central America, Caribbean, North America Country: Cuba, El Salvador, USSR (former) Subject: OAS, Security Assistance and Sales, Democratization [TEXT] I would like to congratulate the Government of Argentina for calling this special session of the Permanent Council and Ambassador Hernan Patino for the care with which he has negotiated a text worthy of general support among the delegations. The extraordinary rush of events in the Soviet Union is providing the grist for many lessons to future generations. Today, however, it is still early to know what they all are. Most of us--in government and out, in the written press and media, professors and pundits alike--are still hard-pressed just to keep up with events. It is doubly important that we in the Permanent Council be cautious. The specific events we are discussing are, for the most part, as far from our daily professional concerns as they are far from our shores. At the same time, it is clear that Soviet policies and practices have affected the Americas in many ways over the decades--indeed, often in ways that stimulated tensions or actual strife. The role of the Soviet Union remains important today, regardless of any potential turning inward related to the current crisis, in part, because of that past. So as we address the text before us today, I have two observations about Soviet policies in the hemisphere: one about our possible role toward the Soviet Union, and one more general reflection. First, the United States hopes and expects to continue to work with the Soviet Union for peace in Central America. On August 1, the Governments of the United States and the Soviet Union issued a joint statement on the situation in Central America. They noted the positive trends to settle regional disputes at the negotiating table and ease tensions through national reconciliation. -- They welcomed the resolution of the conflict in Nicaragua, the important agreements reached in April between the Government of El Salvador and the FMLN [Farabundo Marti National Liberation] and the beginning of dialogue between the Government of Guatemala and the URNG [Guatemalan National Revolutionary Union]. -- The Soviet and US sides agreed that additional joint steps should be taken to promote the full agenda of the Esquipulas agreements including democratization, a cease-fire and settlement of existing conflicts, national reconciliation, economic development, and regional disarmament. -- They called on the United Nations and other international organizations, as well as countries outside Central America, including Cuba, to intensify their efforts to resolve the remaining political issues, secure a cease-fire and final peace settlement in El Salvador. -- They voiced strong support for the efforts of the Secretary General of the United Nations to help negotiate an end to the conflict in El Salvador, urged his direct involvement in the negotiations, and expressed support for the active involvement of the friends of the Secretary General--Colombia, Mexico, Venezuela, and Spain. The joint statement aims high and expresses a clear, firm resolve. The importance of attaining peace in Central America is expressed in the final paragraph. I quote: The Soviet Union and the United States are convinced that an end to the conflict in El Salvador will contribute to economic development in Central America and help remove the remaining sources of tension in the Caribbean Basin region, thereby contributing to the further peaceful integration of Latin America. These negotiations are as great a test of the realities of peace and international cooperation today as they were when this statement was issued earlier this month. There is still much to be done to help both sides in El Salvador to fulfill aspirations for an end to the bloodshed by reaching agreement on a cease-fire and the reintegration of all involved in the conflict into civilian political life. Second, Soviet relations with Fidel Castro remain a major source of concern. Since 1961, Cuba has received enormous amounts of Soviet aid. Soviet economic subsidies have made it possible for Fidel Castro's inherently weak economic system to muddle along, disguising fatal productive and organizational flaws. Soviet military and economic subsidies have made possible Fidel Castro's continued support for armed conflict and destabilization in neighboring countries, members of this regional organization. The Soviet people have now moved to the center stage of human history, acting with conviction and determination to claim the promise of freedom and to take on its burdens. But here in the Americas, the government led by Fidel Castro remains fixed in time, paralyzed by ideology and isolated by its leader from the great currents of history. Why has the "President of the Revolution" greeted the defeat of reactionary forces in the Soviet Union with uncharacteristic silence? Unfortunately, so long as the people of Cuba are not allowed the freedom of expression they require to take control of their future, we will be left to guess at what they think about the earth-shaking events in the Soviet Union. President Bush last May challenged President Castro to "put democracy to a test--permit political parties to organize and a free press to thrive. Hold free and fair elections under international supervision." The US Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs, Bernard Aronson, noted last July (July 11 statement to the Western Hemisphere subcommittee of the Congress) that, "To an extent almost unique in world politics, the Cuban state is dominated by one person." "The United States," Mr. Aronson added, "hopes that the Cuban people can soon enjoy a peaceful transition to the free, democratic future they deserve." Third, we of the Americas may be in a position to share with a democratic Soviet Union experiences that will increase its chances to improve the economic well-being of its citizens. We sometimes speak as though it were merely a matter of the Soviet Union influencing the nations of this hemisphere. But our nations are part of the forces of global change. We need not be passive witnesses to events outside our region. We can do more than assess the effect of extra-regional developments on our immediate concerns. The countries of Latin America and the Caribbean have gone through a sweeping and profound democratic revolution. Moreover, many OAS member states have faced up to the cumulative damages imposed by the lack of competition that results from authoritarian politics and centralized economies. With singular resolve, they have begun to liberate their economies from the heavy hand of statist control. Today, in another hemisphere of our shrinking planet, and on the heels of its difficult and still unfinished political transformation, the Soviet Union is searching for an economic transformation of equal breadth and depth. The Soviet leaders know that they must develop a free and competitive market. In this hemisphere, Argentina, Chile, Jamaica, and Mexico--to mention just a few, because the list is long and growing every day- -are already moving well along this path to improve the well-being of their societies. They know what demands liberalization places on the energy and creativity of a people. Those who have set out on this path have something real to contribute--the most important asset in assisting other countries embarked on a similar course of action--the wealth of their own experience. There is no solidarity of wider embrace than that of free men and women united in the effort to make freedom work. The trail blazers along the path of economic reform in the Americas can provide practical support for the leaders of the Soviet Union. Even with a doubling of its trade with the United States in the last 5 years, the Soviet Union accounts for less than 1% of US trade. The Americas account for 13 times that much trade now, and the prospect of still wider trade opened up by the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative could make this hemisphere a real-life model of how an open, outward-oriented economy works. There is a political point here as well. The drive to integration in this Western Hemisphere offers food for thought as the members of the vast multinational state of the Soviet Union struggle to define the destiny of the many peoples of their constituent republics. The progress toward integration in North America, the Southern Cone, the Caribbean, Central America, and the Andes is being achieved freely and with full respect for the juridical equality and sovereignty of the partner-states. There is no practical formula that can be applied from one area to another, but one might suggest that the principle of nonintervention, pioneered juridically in the Western Hemisphere and recognized in our draft resolution today, could serve as inspiration for a style of integration that respects the integrity of all concerned. Finally, let me close with one attempt to formulate a lesson. I have long felt that the application of the rational intelligence to human events is necessarily disquieting, and, when applied to governments, potentially revolutionary. No government can match abstract notions of perfection or meet all the human needs of its people. No government is immune to the barbs of the unfettered intelligence of its press and people. Where there is a free press to spread accurate information intelligently, governments will always be criticized. Governments can survive this inevitable criticism but only if freedom of information and thought join with constitutional precepts and the realization that citizens have the right to choose their leaders through the ballot--if necessary, replacing them on a regular basis. Popular freedom and popular choice are the two most important forces shaping the modern world. When they come together, in constitutional, elected governments, they are the best guarantee of stability. When governments are not legitimized by election, or when there is--in the words of the historic resolution adopted by the OAS at the General Assembly in Santiago de Chile this past June--a "sudden or irregular interruption of the democratic political institutional process or of the legitimate exercise of power by the democratically elected government," stability is not possible. The lesson of modern politics is that those who do not accept democratic constitutions--which can and must be very different according to the history and culture of particular nations, but which have as a common foundation institutional procedures to respect the human, civic, and political rights of individual citizens and reconcile them with the requirements of the state for order--will not last. As George Bush said in his inaugural address in 1989--with prescience, despite what still seemed a different age, "In man's heart, if not [yet] in fact, the day of the dictator is over."(###)
US Department of State Dispatch, Vol 2, No 36, September 9, 1991 Title:

OAS Declaration on Events in the Soviet Union

Description: Declaration of the OAS Permanent Council, adopted at the special meeting of the Council, Washington, DC Date: Aug 28, 19918/28/91 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: South America, North America, Central America, Caribbean Subject: OAS, Democratization [TEXT] The Permanent Council of the Organization of American States, in view of the recent events in the Soviet Union: 1. Welcomes the reestablishment of constitutional government in the Soviet Union. 2. Greets with satisfaction the efforts of the Soviet people, who, inspired by the timeless and universal values of freedom and respect for the dignity of peoples, opposed and thus thwarted the attempt to forcibly disrupt the prevailing institutional order in the Soviet Union. 3. Declares its unwavering support for the process of reaffirming and advancing the rule of law and for the full observance of the human rights and basic freedoms of all Soviet citizens, within a pluralistic and participatory framework and in keeping with the principles of self-determination, non-intervention, and the exercise of representative democracy. 4. In keeping with the principles of the OAS Charter and of the recent Santiago Commitment, reiterates its conviction that the profound economic and political changes occurring on the world level and the end of the Cold War afford new opportunities and bring new responsibilities to move decisively toward a just and democratic international order based upon full adherence to international law, the peaceful settlement of disputes, solidarity, and the revitalization of multilateral diplomacy and of international organizations, all of which will benefit the Hemisphere.(###)
US Department of State Dispatch, Vol 2, No 36, September 9, 1991 Title:

Baltic Membership in the UN

Boucher Source: State Department Deputy Spokesman Richard Boucher Description: Washington, DC Date: Sep 3, 19919/3/91 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: E/C Europe Country: Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania Subject: United Nations [TEXT] We have been informed that the democratically elected Governments of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania are applying today for membership in the United Nations. We wholeheartedly endorse and support these applications. As President Bush reminded the world yesterday, the United States has always supported the independence of the Baltic states. We have been in touch with the US-based representatives of these three states regarding their applications for UN membership. We will be sponsoring Security Council resolutions endorsing these applications. We will also support a reduction of the usual 35-day waiting period between Security Council action and final approval by the UN General Assembly to 7 days. This reduction is allowed under the UN's rules of procedure. We look forward to early and favorable action by both the Security Council and the General Assembly and hope that the three delegations will take their rightful place in the UN when the General Assembly begins later this month. (###)
US Department of State Dispatch, Vol 2, No 36, September 9, 1991 Title:

Vice President Quayle's Trip to Africa

Date: Sep 9, 19919/9/91 Category: Fact Sheets Region: Subsaharan Africa Country: Cape Verde, Nigeria, Malawi, Namibia, Cote d'Ivoire Subject: Democratization, Trade/Economics [TEXT] Vice President Dan Quayle is visiting Cape Verde, Nigeria, Malawi, Namibia, and Cote d'Ivoire September 8-14. During his trip to Africa, he is emphasizing US support for democracy and promoting trade and investment opportunities for African nations with the United States and among each other.
US-Cape Verde Relations
The United States supported Cape Verde's request for admission to the United Nations shortly after it received its independence from Portugal on July 5, 1975. During the 1980s, Cape Verde hosted negotiations that eventually led to an end to Angola's civil war and Namibian independence. Taking advantage of their Lusophone heritage, respect among African nationalist leaders, and close historical ties to the United States, Cape Verdean leaders joined US officials in mediating talks that included Cuba, which had troops in Angola; South Africa, which had occupied Namibia; and the warring Angolan factions. In 1983, a resident US ambassador began to serve there, expanding the consular representation that had existed since 1816. However, as early as 1810, US whaling ships in the region had recruited crews from the islands Brava and Fogo. About 350,000 Cape Verdeans live in the United States. Vice President Quayle signed a $1 million Economic Support Fund grant on September 8. The US Ambassador to Cape Verde is Francis Terry McNamara.
Consolidation of Democracy
Cape Verde is governed by the 79-member National Assembly established under the 1981 constitution. Elected for 5-year terms, the assembly members confirm the prime minister who is nominated by the popularly elected president. Antonio Mascarenhas, candidate of the Portuguese Movement for Democracy (MPD), in February 1991 led his party to its first victory over the former one-party government.
Economic and Trade Issues
About one-half of the labor force is agricultural, producing 20% of the gross domestic product on the arable 10% of the total land area. Corn is the dietary staple. Subsistence crops also include beans, sweet potatoes, and manioc. Bananas, sugarcane, arabica coffee, and fish are exported in small quantities. Mineral resources are salt, pozzolana (a volcanic rock used in cement production) and limestone. In 1983, a US-financed desalinization and power plant began operation. Extensive, unspoiled beaches and a dry, temperate climate ranging from 210C to 260C (710F and 800F) offer possibilities for tourism development. Cape Verde has signed economic accords with Portugal, the European Community, the Arab Development Bank, Sweden, Netherlands, and the African Development Bank. The United States ships yearly 15,000 metric tons of corn and other grains to Cape Verde. Other US programs sponsor food crop research, technical assistance, watershed water conservation, rural development, school construction, reforestation, human resource development, desalinization facilities, and export promotion development. The 1989 export promotion development agreement complements the recent, government-sponsored economic reorientation under which Cape Verde hopes to encourage foreign investment and to develop export processing zones, offshore banking facilities, transshipment, and similar endeavors. The value of US imports from Cape Verde for 1990 was $167,000, primarily in footwear, newsprint, dolls, and women's dresses; exports to Cape Verde totaled $5.8 million, principally from corn, rice, and malt extract.
Cape Verde at a Glance
Conveniently located with good harbors and international airports, Cape Verde is important as a crossroads of mid-Atlantic air- and sealanes. Portuguese sailors landed there as early as 1462. Cape Verdeans speak Crioulo, a dialect based on archaic Portuguese, and conduct official business in Portuguese. The economy depends upon shipping, resupplying ships, fishing, and fish processing.
US-Nigeria Relations
In cooperation with US efforts to control narcotics traffic, Nigeria has taken major steps against the drug trade by creating a national drug law enforcement agency, tightening airport security, and publishing names and photographs of Nigerians convicted of drug offenses. Vice President Quayle will announce a $2-million US Agency for International Development project on democracy. The US Ambassador to Nigeria is Lannon Walker.
Consolidation of Democracy
Military rule under General Ibrahim Babandiga, President, will terminate on October 1, 1992, on the 32nd anniversary of Nigerian independence. At the same time, the federal capital is scheduled to move to Abuja, a new city begun in the late 1970s. Local government elections took place in December 1990 as the first step in the country's return to civilian rule. Elections in the 21 states will occur in late 1991, and national elections for president and National Assembly are scheduled for mid-1992. Nigeria's evolution into a federal republic grew out of its turn-of-the-century subjugation to British traders chartered as the Royal Niger Company. Through the stages of colony, protectorate, and member of the Commonwealth, it has exercised self- determination in altering the federal structure to provide more autonomy for ethnic minorities. In 1986, a remarkable public debate on proposed economic reform and recovery measures demonstrated the people's preference for self-imposed austerity rather than economic aid through an International Monetary Fund loan. Nigeria is committed to African unity and independence, accommodation of religious and ethnic differences, peaceful settlement of disputes, non-alignment, non-intervention in the internal affairs of other nations, and regional economic cooperation and development. It has taken the lead in articulating the views of developing nations on the need for modification of the existing international economic order. It traditionally has maintained a leading role in multilateral relations among African countries. At the 27th annual summit of the Organization of African Unity, held in Abuja in June of this year, African nations signed a treaty establishing the African Economic Community (AEC). The AEC, which is dedicated to developing trade and investment ties among African nations, began as the so-called Lagos Plan of Action at the first-ever African economic summit held in Lagos in 1980. Nigeria also plays a leading role in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which recently gained international recognition for providing the peace-keeping force that helped bring an end to the bloody civil war in Liberia. A Nigerian, ECOMOG [the cease-fire monitoring group for Liberia] Field Commander Rufus Kupolati, commands the peace-keeping troops, who remain in Liberia as a buffer between the previously warring factions. Nigeria's representative to the United Nations, Ambassador Joseph Garba, was President of the 44th UN General Assembly in 1989.
Economic and Trade Issues
Because of its size, energy, philosophy, and economic potential, Nigeria represents an important market area. Prior to the oil boom of the 1970s, Nigeria's economy was agriculturally based. Since then, a great rural to urban migration has reduced its export of foodstuffs and shifted its fortunes to the vagaries of petroleum price fluctuations. The austerity program aimed to encourage domestic production and reduce reliance on exports. Accompanying measures reduced the formerly dominant role of the state in the economy and placed Nigeria among the leaders in economic adjustment in Africa. In essence, the government abolished most import controls in favor of a more open and market-determined access to foreign exchange. It also abolished agricultural marketing boards, privatized state-owned enterprises, liberalized interest rates, moved toward eliminating quantitative credit controls, and liberalized rules governing foreign investment. Joint ventures are possible, especially if they use locally available raw materials. Presently, Bank of America, Citibank, American Express Banking Corp., and the Bank of Boston have affiliate banks in Nigeria. Nigeria's resources include petroleum, tin, columbite, iron ore, coal, limestone, lead, and zinc. Petroleum deposits are found mostly in the delta area where the Niger River fans out to reach the Gulf of Guinea. Ninety-eight percent of Nigeria's $8-billion export total is attributable to petroleum, with cocoa and rubber as other significant commodities. Agricultural products include palm oil, yams, cassava, sorghum, millet, corn, rice, livestock, groundnuts, and cotton. Major industries are textiles, cement, food products, footwear, metal products, lumber, beer, detergents, and car assembly, a list that attests to the diversity of Nigeria's labor force. Major markets are Western Europe and the United States; major suppliers are those areas and Japan. Cultural centers maintained by the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, the USSR, and Japan reflect this economic interaction. USAID provides about 25% of the total budget for the International Institute for Tropical Agriculture. Nigeria is a member of OPEC, ECOWAS, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the Organization of African Trade Union Unity (OATUU), Commonwealth, INTELSAT, the Non-Aligned Movement, and several other West African regional bodies in West Africa. Nigeria ran a trade surplus during the 1980s as the 16th ranking importer of US goods. Exports to Nigeria increased 16% between 1989 and 1990; imports from Nigeria increased 13%. US firms have large investments in the petroleum industry, banking, and manufacturing. The United States is Nigeria's largest export market, taking almost 50% of its products. It is the fifth largest supplier of petroleum to the United States. The 1987 ban on wheat imports, which is still in effect, eliminated the largest single US market in Africa and caused a bilateral trade balance in Nigeria's favor of $5.4 billion.
Nigeria at a Glance
Independent since 1960, Nigeria's population is estimated at 115- 120 million, representing 250 tribal groups, of which the largest are the Hausa-Fulani, the Ibo, and the Yoruba. Nigeria has one- quarter of Sub-Saharan Africa's people and a rich diversity of customs, languages, and traditions. Estimates of religious affiliations are 50% Muslim and 40% Christian. Twenty-four cities in Nigeria number more than 100,000 people each, many of whom speak two or more Nigerian languages in addition to English. About 9 million people live in Lagos, the capital. The Nigerian cultural figure best known to Westerners is Wole Soyinka, winner of the 1987 Nobel Prize for literature. The arts and sciences are sustained, tuition free, by 16 federal universities, 8 state universities, 276 teacher training colleges, and 126 technical institutions. Sixty percent of the enrollment studies engineering, agriculture, and medicine. All university graduates are required to serve 1 year in the National Youth Service Corps in order to instill a national consciousness and tolerance of cultural diversity. More than 200,000 Nigerians have studied in American institutions of higher education; as many as 20,000 are, at any one time, financed by their government or their own private funds. An active Fulbright program, funded at $450,000 in 1990, has exposed Nigerians to America with the result that they have opted for modifications in Nigerian schools, which emulate the American system.
US-Malawi Relations
The issues shared between Malawi and the United States include human rights and refugee affairs. Malawi, at no small cost to its economy, has demonstrated its compassion by serving as haven for refugees in camps funded by the United States and other Western democracies. It has maintained an independent foreign policy that includes full diplomatic relations with Israel and South Africa, a position that other African nations are only now beginning to favor. Many Malawians study in the United States or frequent the American cultural center in Lilongwe. The US Agency for International Development and 125 Peace Corps volunteers are active in skills training as well as promoting cross-cultural understanding in Malawi. The US Ambassador to Malawi is Michael T. F. Pistor.
Consolidation of Democracy
Malawi, a one-party state, is governed by the National Assembly, patterned on the British parliamentary system. It is elected every 5 years by universal suffrage and secret ballot. The government has a cabinet and court system derived from British models and a system of "traditional courts" in which tribal chiefs have jurisdiction to hear any type of criminal case involving Africans. President Dr. H. Kamuzu Banda, educated in the United States, assertively sets standards for social and educational programs in Malawi. Education at primary and secondary levels is neither compulsory nor free, but commitment to higher education for future leaders is demonstrated by the expenditure of $15 million to create a preparatory school with European faculty. The Kamuzu Academy, a boarding school, specializes in a classical curriculum requiring all students to learn Latin and Greek. Malawi also has established the University of Malawi, where a school of medicine is to open in 1991.
Economic and Trade Issues
Malawi's position as a land-locked country dependent upon the ports and railroads of its neighbors is a factor in pricing its exports. Because there are few exploitable mineral resources, the country is seeking innovative ways to improve its economic situation. These include a $15.6-million parastatal divestiture program, a $36- million Malawi development program, a new $8-million enterprise transformation project, and the $8.9-million rural enterprises and agri-business development project. All import/export controls ended in 1990. Major US private investments are in agro-industry and petroleum distribution. Malawi's imports from the United States increased 37% in 1990 over 1989. The most promising area for US exporters is supplying materials and equipment for development projects, especially those funded by USAID, the World Bank, and the African Development Bank/Fund. Predominantly an agricultural economy with a relatively free market system, Malawi exports tobacco, tea, sugar, groundnuts, coffee, cotton, and maize, which is the staple food of the country. It was able to supply substantial quantities to its drought-stricken neighbors during the 1980s. Ninety percent of the population engages in subsistence farming, producing beans, rice, and cassava. Malawi's acceptance of structural reforms to cope with balance of payments problems after a worldwide slump in commodity prices has earned it the respect and support of the international financial community. A member of the United Nations, the Organization of African Unity, and the Commonwealth, Malawi maintains diplomatic relations with many Western countries. It is also a signatory to the Lome Convention, which deals with tariff preferences in the European Community.
Malawi at a Glance
Malawi is an ancient land, one of the oldest in terms of archaeological evidence, and one of the youngest in terms of independence, which it obtained on July 6, 1964. Of its 8 million people, about 30% are literate in English and 45% in Chichewa. Newspapers and radio transmissions are done in both languages, and American films and videos are popular. Christianity is the major religion, while more than 20% are Muslim/Hindu. Located in southeastern Africa Malawi harbors a part of the Great Rift Valley. In the valley lies Lake Malawi, the third largest lake in Africa East and west of it are high plateaus, generally between 900 and 1,200 meters (3,000-4,000 ft.) above sea level, where temperatures are warm from October through April. Only along the lake and the Shire River from the south end of the lake are conditions hot and humid. Established beach resorts offer snorkeling among many varieties of tropical fish in Lake Malawi. The mountains provide hiking and climbing opportunities, and the premier attractions are three major game parks.
US-Namibia Relations
The United States helped achieve Namibian independence through diplomatic efforts for many years, playing a principal role in UN negotiations and contributing more than $100 million to the UN Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG). Secretary Baker represented President Bush at Namibia's independence celebrations and inaugurated the US Embassy in Windhoek on the same day, March 21, 1990. President Sam Nujoma visited President Bush in June 1990 in a private meeting at the White House. Also in 1990, the United States initiated a Peace Corps program and signed a bilateral investment guarantee agreement. The US Ambassador to Namibia is Genta Hawkins Holmes.
Consolidation of Democracy
Since March 20, 1990, Namibia has been governed according to a constitution that provides checks and balances for the three branches of government. Besides a multi-party system, a bill of rights, and guarantees of both private property rights and fundamental human rights, there is also a provision that Namibia shall have a mixed economy and that foreign investment will be encouraged. Sam Nujoma is the President of Namibia.
Economic and Trade Issues
Agriculture contributes 11-15% of Namibia's gross domestic product through the labor of about 70% of the population while almost 30% comes from mining. Namibia's mineral resources include diamonds, copper, uranium, lead, tin, zinc, silver, tantalite, phosphate, sulfur, gemstones, salt, and vanadium. The presence of gas in the offshore area may indicate petroleum reservoirs as well. Manufacturing contributes less than 6% of GDP. Domestic manufactures concentrate on food and beverage processing, brewing, furniture, textiles, and assembly plants. About 76% of Namibia's exports, (more than $1 billion in 1989) came from its mines, as did 24% of the total government tax revenues. Besides minerals, exports include fish, beef cattle, and karakul sheep pelts, but agricultural products constitute only 10-20% of exports. From two good harbors at Luderitz and Walvis Bay, fishing boats search for pilchards (sardines), anchovies, hake, tuna, rock lobster, and mackerel, mostly for export. By far the biggest trading partner remains South Africa, from which Namibia buys most of its processed foodstuffs and manufactured consumer goods. It buys most of its mining equipment and machinery from Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Independence has given Namibia incentives to develop trade with the West. A USAID mission has been opened recently, and an Overseas Private Investment Corporation mission is expected to result in some joint ventures.
Namibia at a Glance
An international airport supplies connections to Europe, and 600 hotel rooms in Windhoek and excellent communications await travelers to an unspoiled landscape and an unusual variety of flora and fauna. Conservation and ecological areas protect game and the unique coastal desert. The land supports a population estimated at 1.5 million people, 87% black, 6% white, and 7% of mixed race. Education is compulsory until age 16, and the literacy rate is an estimated 40%, especially in areas where missionary and government education efforts have been concentrated. English is the official language, with African languages, Afrikaans, and German also spoken.
US-Cote d'Ivoire Relations
Ivorian President Felix Houphouet-Boigny has supported many critical US diplomatic initiatives in Africa and most recently in UN Security Council deliberations concerning the Gulf crisis. He has supported efforts that led to the recent Angolan peace accords. While maintaining full diplomatic relations with Angola's Marxist government, Cote d'Ivoire also spoke freely with the anti- communist UNITA movement led by Jonas Savimbi. Cote d'Ivoire also has played a key role in helping bring about a cease-fire in Liberia and is continuing efforts to resolve political and security problems there. Cote d'Ivoire is a member of the Economic Community of West African States and of the Organization of African Unity; it also maintains close ties with its French-speaking neighbors in the Council of the Entente, a regional organization promoting economic development. It joined the UN in 1960 and participates in most of its specialized agencies. The US Agency for International Development (USAID) maintains a regional office there for administering programs in West Africa. Peace Corps volunteers have recently returned to Cote d'Ivoire to work in public health projects after an absence of 9 years. The US Ambassador to Cote d'Ivoire is Kenneth L. Brown.
Consolidation of Democracy
President Houphouet-Boigny is very influential among the leaders of West Africa, having been elected to seven 5-year terms since 1960, the date of the country's independence from France. On the same schedule, the 175 members of the National Assembly are elected by all citizens over the age of 21. In April 1990, the country moved to a multi-party system after 30 years of single-party politics.
Economic and Trade Issues
The Government of Cote d'Ivoire maintains that the only way for Africa to achieve solidarity is through step-by-step economic and political cooperation. Political stability since independence has enabled the country to push development of the industrial sector so that agricultural processing, construction, and textiles have prospered. Oil exploration, originally begun by Phillips and ESSO, may be continued, and BHP Utah began gold exploration in 1987. An aggressive government program is developing mineral resources, such as iron, nickel, and manganese. About 56 US firms operate in Abidjan, including manufacturers, accounting firms, a law firm, and a bank. They are among many public and private organizations that find Abidjan well situated as a headquarters for regional activity, such as the West African office of the World Bank, the African Development Bank, the multinational Air Afrique, and the secretariat of the Council of the Entente. All of the countries in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development are represented in Abidjan, along with a number of developing countries. Over-production of cocoa in 1988-89 led to a severe drop in commodity prices. The government now is encouraging production of bananas, palm oil, cotton, pineapples, coconuts, rubber, and sugar. It also aims to achieve self-sufficiency in foodstuffs. Oil refinery profits and the government's success in interesting private investors in opportunities in the country have helped reduce the debt burden and the effects of drought. In the absence of bilateral USAID agreements, US assistance to Cote d'Ivoire has been channeled through the World Bank and the African Development Bank or through regional USAID programs. Agreements signed in 1989 and 1990 brought 75,000 tons of American rice to the Ivorian market, with proceeds to be used in the development programs of the Ministry of Agriculture, Water, and Forests. US investment in Cote d'Ivoire, concentrated in petroleum, hotels, computers, and service industries, amount to nearly $650 million. Another measure of US interest is the presence in Abidjan of the American Chamber of Commerce, which participates in regional trade fairs, giving visibility to American products. In 1990, US imports from Cote d'Ivoire amounted to almost $2 million for cocoa, oil, coffee, pearls, chocolate, rubber, sugars, veneers abrasives, and railway sleepers. Exports worth about $79 million included rice, paper and paperboard, wheat, data-processing equipment, knitted fabrics, plastics, tractors, tobacco, rags, and aircraft.
Cote d'Ivoire at a Glance
Cote d'Ivoire is a tropical republic on the southern coast of the bulge of West Africa. Guinea Highlands, in the northwest, rise 1,460 meters (4,800 ft.) above sea level in the otherwise flat land. Its 11.5 million people represent more than 60 ethnic groups. Five million of the inhabitants have immigrated from neighboring countries. The official language is French, and the literacy rate is 45%. A tradition of assistance to refugees has distinguished Cote d'Ivoire since it supplied a haven for Indo-Chinese refugees during the 1950s, for Lebanese during the 1960s, and for Liberians during their recent conflict there. Cote d'Ivoire has two deepwater ports and railroad connections through the center of the country to the Gulf of Guinea by way of Burkina Faso. Paved highways and the national airline, Air Ivoire, connect the major centers. Air Afrique and other African carriers provide regular intracontinental service, and there is daily direct service to Paris.(###)
Sub-Saharan Africa: Assistance and Trade
Goals of US Development Assistance
-- Better management of economies. -- Stronger competitive free markets to replace centralized and parastatal systems. -- Higher private sector-led growth. -- Increased long-term agricultural and industrial productivity. -- Improved food security.
Methods of US Development Assistance
-- Bilateral and multilateral aid. -- Promotion of private investment. -- Providing foreign exchange through purchase of African products. -- Debt rescheduling of official debt for reforming countries. -- Forgiveness of official debt for reforming countries in exchange for domestic economic reforms, such as establishment of realistic exchange rates; reduction or elimination of government price controls; reduced government budget deficits; parastatal reform; and market-based interest rates.
Vehicles for Economic Assistance
US Agency for International Development. Through the Development Fund for Africa, supports projects in family planning, health, basic education, and economic reform; sponsors investment missions to Africa; manages Trade and Development Program feasibility studies. The African Development Bank makes loans for development. Its African Development Fund makes concessional loans. The World Bank oversees structural adjustment programs and makes loans to support development. The Africa Growth Fund, established and owned by major US corporations to invest in African companies, makes venture capital loans to Americans investing in Africa and conducts investment missions to Africa.(###)
US Department of State Dispatch, Vol 2, No 36, September 9, 1991 Title:

African Political Changes and Economic Consequences

Cohen Source: Herman J. Cohen, Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Description: Remarks at a conference on US, Japanese, and African cooperation, Gotemba, Japan Date: Aug 29, 19918/29/91 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: Subsaharan Africa Country: Japan, United States Subject: Trade/Economics, Democratization I start with the premise that politics in Africa have been essentially an urban phenomenon for the past 30 years. For the most part, political decisions have been made by urban-based political leaders in the interests of urban dwellers. This is ironic because the most productive and most numerous populations in Africa have been, and remain, the rural populations. I state this as a fact and not in any way to be critical. I will leave it to our African colleagues to provide their expert analysis as to why politics in Africa have been urban-centered since the initial wave of independence in the early 1960s. The American experience is the opposite. In the first 100 years of our existence, the rural populations wielded considerable political power in direct proportion to their numbers. The question on the agenda today is not why African politics developed this way but the economic impact of these politics. Given the basic premise of urban-centered politics, it is not surprising that the initial economic options of most African governments favored urban interests. Farm prices were kept low so that urban dwellers could enjoy cheap food. Currency exchange rates were maintained at overvalued levels so that urban populations could enjoy cheap imports and low-cost foreign travel. Industries were nationalized or maintained as government-owned parastatals in order to guarantee jobs for urban school graduates. The ranks of the civil service were expanded for the same reason. Those urban-centered policies made life relatively comfortable for the urban areas during the period 1960-75 despite the inherent contradictions in the distorted economies. As long as primary commodity export prices remained strong, Africans could afford to maintain high levels of imports and could ignore the ominous reductions in agricultural food production caused by undervalued farm prices. High commodity prices also permitted the subsidizing of expanded labor forces in government-owned companies and the civil service. Although disadvantaged by the economic distortions, rural populations benefited from increased educational opportunities, so that families could hope that their children might be able to live in the cities as well. Very conveniently, at the time, the Marxist-Leninist ideology was enjoying a wave of popularity based on skillful propaganda originating in Moscow. This ideology provided a veneer of popular rule masking minority rule by a vanguard single party. Marxist ideology was tailor-made to sustain the very minority rule system that most African urban elites had adopted for different reasons. Since the vanguard party represented all the people, only one party was needed. The one-party democracy was established to provide institutional legitimacy for the power monopoly of the urban elite. The distortions of the urban-centered political and economic systems are well documented. Lower food production means more food imports, leaving insufficient foreign exchange for the importation of capital goods. Overvalued exchange rates discourage investment for export and encourage the importation of consumer goods. Guaranteed employment in the civil service and parastatals encouraged academic studies in liberal arts and law and discouraged studies in science, technology, and management. Between the mid-1970s and mid-1980s, the distortions in African economies became unmanageable with the softening of commodity prices and the loss of market share, due in large measure to overvalued exchange rates. International lending prevented collapse through the early 1980s, but could not be sustained indefinitely. By the mid-1980s it was clear that Africa had to pay a price for further assistance--and that price was structural adjustment. It is my feeling that the beginning of the movement for democratic change in Africa coincided with, and was stimulated mainly by, structural adjustment, which realigned economic power from urban elites to rural populations and the business community. It was natural, therefore, that those who are newly empowered economically should seek political empowerment as well. Multi- party democracy is clearly the vehicle for that empowerment. This brings me to my main point. Pluralistic democracy is the friend of structural adjustment and economic growth, rather than their enemy. The single-party system is inherently unfair and inimical to economic growth. Pluralistic democracy channels resources to the most productive populations and gives maximum scope to the private sector. The one-party state is arbitrary and incompatible with the rule of law, thereby discouraging private investment. What is the role of the international donor community during this important transitional period in Africa? It is usually unproductive to look back at failure and assign responsibility. Nevertheless, I feel it is significant that at the 1986 special UN session for African development, the assembled African chiefs of state assigned responsibility to themselves for the unproductive economic policy choices of the 1960s. At the same time, we in the international donor community should feel some guilt for the unproductive lending in the 1970s, which served only to prolong the lives of terminally ill economic systems. More importantly, it is in the interest of the international donor community that, at the end of the current transition period, Africa emerge healthy rather than chronically ill. A self-sustaining, productive, and trading Africa can only contribute to our own collective well-being. It is quite clear by now that we are all willing to support structural adjustment. It is part of our official policies. It is not yet clear that we are equally enthusiastic in our support of democracy. My feeling is that Africa cannot have one without the other. How can we support the growth of democracy? There are several ways. First, we can provide technical assistance and financial support to the establishment of democratic systems--independent judiciaries, pluralistic parliaments, election structures, and a free press. Second, we should insist on the importance of a vigorous private sector and the creation of a favorable climate for investment. Third, we should support the structures of good governance. The cancer of democracy is corruption; we saw that in Nigeria. The US Agency for International Development will be devoting significant resources in support of governance in Africa in 1992 and beyond. Fourth, we should not forget that those who are suffering the most under structural adjustment--the urban populations--are capable of using pluralistic democracy to undermine the entire process. They remain, in the final analysis, the most politically vocal and the most politically capable. For their sake, structural adjustment must have a human face which will ease the pain for urban dwellers and prevent the undermining of democracy in its fragile early stages.(###)
US Department of State Dispatch, Vol 2, No 36, September 9, 1991 Title:

Expansion of the VISA Waiver Pilot Program

Tutwiler Description: Released by the Office of the Assistant Secretary/ Spokesman Date: Sep 5, 19919/5/91 Category: Features Region: Europe, Pacific Country: Finland, Austria, Spain, New Zealand, Belgium, Denmark, Norway, Iceland, Luxembourg, San Marino, Monaco, Liechtenstein, Andorra Subject: Travel [TEXT] The Department of State is pleased to announce the extension of the Visa Waiver Pilot Program (VWPP) from the 8 countries currently participating to an additional 13 countries beginning October 1, 1991. Citizens of Spain, Austria, New Zealand, Finland, Belgium, Denmark, Norway, Iceland, Luxembourg, San Marino, Andorra, Monaco, and Liechtenstein will no longer be required to obtain tourist or business visas to travel to the US for 90 days or less. The VWPP is already in effect for citizens of the United Kingdom, Japan, France, Italy, Germany, The Netherlands, Sweden, and Switzerland. To qualify for a visa waiver, a traveler from one of these 21 countries must: -- Have a valid passport issued by the participating country and be a citizen (not only a resident) of that country; -- Be seeking entry for 90 days or less; -- If entering by air or sea, have a round-trip transportation ticket issued on a carrier that has signed an agreement with the US Government to participate in the waiver program and arrive in the United States aboard such a carrier; -- Have proof of financial solvency and hold a completed and signed visa waiver arrival/departure form (I-94W), on which he/she has waived the right to a hearing of exclusion or deportation. These forms will be available from participating carriers, from travel agents, and at land-border ports-of-entry. (Travelers should consult carriers before departure to verify which ones are participating.) Entry at a land border crossing point from Canada or Mexico is permitted under the VWPP. Travelers who apply for entry at a land border crossing point are not required to present round-trip transportation tickets or arrive at the border entry point aboard a carrier which has signed an agreement with the US to participate in the VWPP. All other VWPP requirements apply to such travelers. Visitors applying for entry under this program are allowed to remain 90 days (this cannot be extended) and cannot change their status. Consistent with regulations pertaining to B1/B2 temporary visitor visas, travelers coming under the VWPP cannot work or study. Certain travelers still need to apply for a visa, such as those who plan to work or study, stay more than 90 days, or who might otherwise be ineligible for a visa. Travelers previously denied visas, or who have criminal records, or who believe they may be ineligible for a visa should contact the nearest US embassy or consulate before attempting to travel on the visa waiver program.(###)
US Department of State Dispatch, Vol 2, No 36, September 9, 1991 Title:

US Treaty Actions

Date: Sep 9, 19919/9/91 Category: Treaties/Agreements Country: Argentina, Bangladesh, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, Chad, Chile, Congo, Egypt, El Salvador, Germany, Honduras, Italy, Mexico, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Poland, Solomon Islands, Sri Lanka, USSR (former), Venezuela Subject: International Law, Democratization, Narcotics, Trade/Economics, Development/Relief Aid, United Nations, Human Rights, Environment [TEXT]
Consular Relations
Vienna convention on consular relations. Done at Vienna Apr. 24, 1963. Entered into force Mar. 19, 1967. TIAS 6820. Accessions deposited: Marshall Islands, Aug. 9, 1991.
Cultural Property
Convention on the means of prohibiting and preventing the illicit import, export, and transfer of ownership of cultural property. Adopted at Paris Nov. 14, 1970. Entered into force Apr. 24, 1972; for the US Dec. 2, 1983. Ratification deposited: Cote d'Ivoire, Oct. 30, 1990. Diplomatic Relations Vienna convention on diplomatic relations. Done at Vienna Apr. 18, 1961. Entered into force Apr. 24, 1964; for the US Dec. 13, 1972. TIAS 7502. Accessions deposited: Angola, Aug. 9, 1990; Marshall Islands, Aug. 9, 1991.
International Labor Organization
Instrument for the amendment of the constitution of the International Labor Organization. Dated at Montreal Oct. 9, 1946. Entered into force Apr. 20, 1948. TIAS 1868. Resumed Membership: Albania, May 22, 1991.
Investment Disputes
Convention on the settlement of investment disputes between states and nationals of other states. Done at Washington Mar. 18, 1965. Entered into force Oct. 14, l966. TIAS 6090. Ratification deposited: Australia, May 2, 1991.
Judicial Procedure
Convention on the civil aspects of international child abduction. Done at The Hague Oct. 25, 1980. Entered into force Dec. 1, 1983; for the US July 1, 1988. [Senate] Treaty Doc. 99-11. Territorial Application: Extended by UK to Isle of Man, June 28, 1991.
Narcotic Drugs
Convention on psychotropic substances. Done at Vienna Feb. 21, 1971. Entered into force Aug. 16, 1976; for the US July 15, 1980. TIAS 9725. Accession deposited: Guinea, Dec. 27, 1990; Marshall Islands, Aug. 9, 1991.
Convention for the protection of the ozone layer, with annexes. Done at Vienna Mar. 22, 1985. Entered into force Sept. 22, 1988. TIAS 11097. Accessions deposited: Costa Rica, July 30, 1991; Philippines, July 17, 1991. Montreal protocol on substances that deplete the ozone layer, with annex. Done at Montreal Sept. 16, 1987. Entered into force Jan. 1, 1989. [Senate] Treaty Doc. 100-10. Ratification deposited: Philippines, July 17, 1991. Accessions deposited: Costa Rica, July 30, 1991; Uruguay, Jan. 8, 1991.
Red Cross
Geneva convention for the amelioration of the condition of the wounded and sick in armed forces in the field. Done at Geneva Aug. 12, 1949. Entered into force Oct. 21, 1950; for the US Feb. 2, 1956. TIAS 3362. Geneva convention for the amelioration of the condition of the wounded, sick, and shipwrecked members of armed forces at sea. Done at Geneva Aug. 12, 1949. Entered into force Oct. 21, 1950; for the US Feb. 2, 1956. TIAS 3363. Geneva convention relative to the treatment of prisoners of war. Done at Geneva Aug. 12, 1949. Entered into force Oct. 21, 1950; for the US Feb. 2, 1956. TIAS 3364. Geneva convention relative to the protection of civilian persons in time of war. Done at Geneva Aug. 12, 1949. Entered into force Oct. 21, 1959; for the US Feb. 2, 1956. TIAS 3365. Protocol additional to the Geneva conventions of Aug. 12, 1959 (TIAS 3362, 3363, 3364, 3365), relating to the protection of victims of international armed conflicts (Protocol I), with annexes. Done at Geneva June 8, 1977. Entered into force Dec. 7, 1978.1 Protocol additional to the Geneva conventions of Aug. 12, 1949 (TIAS 3362, 3363, 3364, 3365) relating to the protection of victims of non-international armed conflicts (Protocol II). Done at Geneva June 8, 1977. Entered into force Dec. 7, 1978.1 Accession deposited: Maldives, June 18, 1991.2 Ratification deposited: Australia, June 21, 1991.3,4
Convention against torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment. Done at New York Dec. 10, 1984. Entered into force June 26, 1987.1 Ratifications deposited: Cyprus, July 18, 1991; Venezuela, July 29, 1991.
Treaties-International Organizations
Vienna convention on the law of treaties between states and international organizations or between international organizations, with annex. Done at Vienna Mar. 21, 1986.5 Ratification deposited: Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom, June 20, 1991.
United Nations
Convention on the privileges and immunities of the United Nations. Done at New York Feb. 13, 1946. Entered into force Sept. 17, 1946; for the US Apr. 29, 1970. Accession deposited: Angola, Aug. 9, 1990.
United Nations Industrial Development Organization
Constitution of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, with annexes. Done at Vienna Apr. 8, 1979. Entered into force June 21, 1985. Ratification deposited: Djibouti, Aug. 20, 1991.
United Nations, Privileges and Immunities
Convention on the privileges and immunities of the United Nations. Done at New York Feb. 13, 1946. Entered into force Sept. 17, 1946; for the US Apr. 29, 1970. Accession deposited: Angola, Aug. 9, 1990.
Convention providing a uniform law on the form of an international will, with annex. Done at Washington Oct. 26, 1973. Entered into force Feb. 9, 1978.1 Senate Advice and Consent to Ratification: Aug. 2, 1991.
Convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women. Done at New York Dec. 18, 1979. Entered into force Sept. 3, 1981.1 Ratification deposited: Netherlands, July 23, 1991.
World Heritage
Convention concerning the protection of the world cultural and natural heritage. Done at Paris Nov. 23, 1972. Entered into force Dec. 17, 1975. Accessions deposited: Czechoslovakia, Nov. 15, 1990; Indonesia, July 6, 1989; Mongolia, Feb. 2, 1990; Venezuela, Oct. 30, 1990; . Ratifications deposited: Albania, July 10, 1989; Belize, Nov. 6, 1990; Fiji, Nov. 21, 1990.
World Health Organization
Constitution of the World Health Organization. Done at New York July 22, 1946. Entered into force Apr. 7, 1948; for the US June 21, 1948. TIAS 1808. Accession deposited: Micronesia, Aug. 14, 1991.
Agreement concerning nautical cartography and geodesy, with annexes. Signed at Buenos Aires and Fairfax Nov. 28, 1990 and June 18, 1991. Entered into force June 18, 1991.
Memorandum of understanding to specify the legal status of the United States Pacific Command Disaster Relief Task Force. Signed at Dhaka May 20, 1991. Entered into force May 20, 1991; effective from date of arrival of Task Force.
Agreement amending the agreement of May 6 and 11, 1982, concerning provision of mutual logistic support. Signed at Brussels and Stuttgart July 1 and 10, 1991. Entered into force July 10, 1991.
Grant agreement for the Cochabamba regional development project, with annexes. Signed at La Paz July 5, 1991. Entered into force July 5, 1991.
Memorandum of agreement on maritime transport. Signed at Washington July 31, 1991. Entered into force July 31, 1991.
International express mail agreement, with detailed regulations. Signed at Sofia and Washington April 5 and May 20, 1991. Entered into force June 17, 1991.
Protocol amending the treaty on extradition of Dec. 3, 1971, as amended (TIAS 8237), with exchange of letters. Signed at Ottawa Jan. 11, 1988.5 [Senate] Treaty Doc. 101-17. Senate Advice and Consent to Ratification: Aug. 2, 1991.
Agreement relating to the employment of dependents of official government employees. Effected by exchange of notes at N'Djamena Apr. 19 and June 8, 1991. Entered into force June 8, 1991.
Agreement regarding the reduction of certain debts owed to the United States Government and its agencies, with appendices. Signed at Washington June 27, 1991. Entered into force Aug. 8, 1991.
Memorandum of understanding concerning the operation of the Intelpost service, with details of implementation. Signed at Brazzaville and Washington March 20, 1990, and May 13, 1991. Entered into force May 28, 1991.
Agreement regarding the reorganization of certain debts owed to, guaranteed by, or insured by the United States Government and its agencies, with annexes. Signed at Washington July 18, 1991. Enters into force following signature and receipt by Egypt of written notice from the US that all necessary domestic legal requirements have been fulfilled.
l Salvador
Cooperative agreement for the eradication of screwworms. Signed at Washington July 24, 1991. Enters into force upon an exchange of notes confirming its provisions.
Convention for the avoidance of double taxation and the prevention of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on income and capital and to certain other taxes, with a related protocol, two exchanges of notes and a memorandum of understanding. Signed at Bonn Aug. 29, 1989. Entered into force: Aug. 21, 1991.
Cooperative agreement for the eradication of screwworms. Signed at Washington July 26, 1991. Enters into force upon an exchange of notes confirming its provisions.
Memorandum of understanding concerning scientific and technical cooperation in the earth sciences, with annexes. Signed at Reston and Trieste Dec. 11, 1990, and Apr. 19, 1991. Entered into force Apr. 19, 1991.
Memorandum of understanding concerning private land mobile service use of the bands 821-824 MHz and 866-869 MHz along the common border, with annexes. Signed at Chester-town (Maryland) July 2, 1991. Entered into force July 2, 1991.
International express mail agreement, with detailed regulations. Signed at Managua and Washington July 24 and Aug. 16, 1991. Entered into force Sep. 30, 1991.
Agreement regarding the consolidation and rescheduling or refinancing of certain debts owed to, guaranteed by, or insured by the United States Government and its agencies, with annexes. Signed at Lagos Aug. 2, 1991. Enters into force following signature and receipt by Nigeria of written notice from the US that all necessary domestic legal requirements have been fulfilled.
Agreement relating to the employment of dependents of official government employees, with annex. Effected by exchange of notes at Warsaw Apr. 30 and May 16, 1991. Entered into force May 16, 1991. Agreement regarding the reduction and reorganization of certain debts owed to, guaranteed by, or insured by the Government of the United States and its agencies, with annexes. Signed at Warsaw July 17, 1991. Enters into force following receipt by Poland of written notice from the US that all necessary domestic legal requirements have been fulfilled.
Solomon Islands
Agreement concerning the status of members of the United States Forces in Solomon Islands. Signed at Honiara July 3, 1991. Entered into force July 3, 1991.
Sri Lanka
Postal money order agreement. Signed at Colombo and Washington Apr. 9 and June 3, 1991. Entered into force July 1, 1991.
Agreement concerning mutual visits by inhabitants of the Bering Straits Region. Signed at Jackson Hole, Wyoming, Sept. 23, 1989. Entered into force: July 10, 1991.
Memorandum of understanding on cooperation in management and protection of national parks and other protected natural and cultural heritage sites. Signed at Washington July 1, 1991. Entered into force July 1, 1991. 1Not in force for the US. 2 Applicable to four 1949 Conventions. 3 Applicable to 1977 Protocols. 4 With declaration(s) to Protocol I. 5 Not in force.(###)