US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 36, September 9, 1991
Title: US Approach to Changes In the Soviet Union
Baker
Source: Secretary Baker
Description: Opening statement from news conference, Washington, DC
Date: Sep 4, 19919/4/91
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Eurasia
Country: USSR (former)
Subject: Regional/Civil Unrest, Democratization
[TEXT]
In the last 2 weeks, we've seen another revolution blowing with
fullforce across the Soviet Union. Of course, it's obvious that we
want to see this revolution remain democratic, and we want to see
it remain peaceful. Building democracy and free markets across the
Soviet Union is not going to be an easy task after decades of
totalitarianism and central planning.
The work of freedom will be hard, and the transition will be
painful. The Soviet peoples have to know that they have just
embarked on what will be a very difficult road. But they must
know, too, that there can be no turning away from democratic
principles and tolerance if they truly hope to follow that road to its
end and to join the democratic commonwealth of nations.
We will help them move along that path of political and
economic freedom.
As a first step, the President has asked me to go to Moscow
next week to attend the CSCE [Conference on Security and
Cooperation in Europe] human rights meeting and to have
discussions with a number of leaders.
I go to the Soviet Union with a four-part agenda.
First, I will convey to Soviet leaders and to the Soviet
peoples the five principles that will guide this Administration's
approach to political change in the Soviet Union.
However, on this overall question, let me be very clear: The
Baltic states have always been and they remain a special and,
indeed, separate case for the United States. We never recognized
their incorporation into the Soviet Union. To us, they have never
been Soviet republics but, instead, separate states for whom we
helped keep alive the promise and diplomatic symbols of
independence.
And, of course, on Monday the President took an important
step to turn that promise and those symbols into working realities,
beginning the process of establishing formal diplomatic relations
with the Governments of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania.
To emphasize America's continuing commitment to the
Baltics' enduring freedom, I would like very much to visit these
states on this trip.
As to the changes that are taking place in center-republic
relations, our policy--that is, the policy of this Administration--
toward the Soviet future will be guided by the following five
principles.
Self-Determination.
First, the future of the Soviet Union is for the Soviet peoples to
determine themselves, peacefully and consistent with democratic
values and practices and the principles of the Helsinki Final Act.
We call upon all Soviet leaders at all levels of government,
including those of the republics, to show their support for these
internationally accepted principles. In this process, there can be no
legitimate place for threats, intimidation, coercion, or violence.
Respect of Borders
Second, we urge all to respect existing borders, both internal and
external. Any change of borders should occur only legitimately by
peaceful and consensual means consistent with CSCE principles.
Support of Democracy
Third, we support democracy and the rule of law, and we support
peaceful change only through orderly, democratic processes,
especially the processes of elections.
Safeguarding of Human Rights. Fourth, we call for the
safeguarding of human rights, based on full respect for the
individual and including equal treatment of minorities.
Respect for International Law
Fifth, we urge respect for international law and obligations,
especially adherence to the provisions of the Helsinki Final Act and
the Charter of Paris.
Clearly, on the first and most important steps the Soviet
leaders and peoples need to take is to clarify the precise
interrelationships both among the various republics and between
the republics and the center. We will recommend that these
relationships be clarified in ways that are supportive of the five
principles that I've just outlined.
The second item on my agenda on this trip will be our support
for fundamental economic reform and immediate humanitarian
needs. The Soviet political revolution must now be matched by an
economic revolution.
In Moscow, I will seek to meet with Prime Minister Silayev
and the members of the Economic Commission to urge rapid
development of a new, comprehensive economic adjustment and
reform plan in close consultation with the IMF [International
Monetary Fund], the World Bank, and the other international
economic institutions. This, we think, is the critical next step.
I will also be discussing with Soviet leaders at all levels
humanitarian needs for the winter. This work will complement the
efforts being undertaken by the presidential mission.
And, finally, I plan to examine how our technical assistance
can be accelerated to both help meet humanitarian needs and to
prepare the foundations for long-term restructuring.
The third item on my agenda will be Soviet foreign policy. In
particular, I will be continuing to work on efforts to convene a
peace conference to launch direct negotiations and thereby to
facilitate a viable peace-making process in the Middle East. After
consulting with our Japanese partners, I also would hope to be able
to accelerate action on the Northern Territories, stressing the need
to close out the last significant vestige of World War II.
And the fourth item on my agenda--fourth and finally--I hope
to have some talks about Soviet security policy generally, so that
we can ensure proper follow-through on treaty commitments and
understandings on nuclear safety and pave the way for a genuine and
extensive defense conversion effort. (###)
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 36, September 9, 1991
Title: USSR Developments and The Western Hemisphere
Einaudi
Source: Ambassador Luigi R. Einaudi, US Permanent
Representative to the Organization of American States
(OAS)
Description: Statement at the Special Session of the OAS Permanent
Council, Washington, DC
Date: Aug 28, 19918/28/91
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: South America, Central America, Caribbean,
North America
Country: Cuba, El Salvador, USSR (former)
Subject: OAS, Security Assistance and Sales,
Democratization
[TEXT]
I would like to congratulate the Government of Argentina for calling
this special session of the Permanent Council and Ambassador
Hernan Patino for the care with which he has negotiated a text
worthy of general support among the delegations.
The extraordinary rush of events in the Soviet Union is
providing the grist for many lessons to future generations. Today,
however, it is still early to know what they all are. Most of us--in
government and out, in the written press and media, professors and
pundits alike--are still hard-pressed just to keep up with events.
It is doubly important that we in the Permanent Council be
cautious. The specific events we are discussing are, for the most
part, as far from our daily professional concerns as they are far
from our shores.
At the same time, it is clear that Soviet policies and
practices have affected the Americas in many ways over the
decades--indeed, often in ways that stimulated tensions or actual
strife. The role of the Soviet Union remains important today,
regardless of any potential turning inward related to the current
crisis, in part, because of that past.
So as we address the text before us today, I have two
observations about Soviet policies in the hemisphere: one about our
possible role toward the Soviet Union, and one more general
reflection.
First, the United States hopes and expects to continue to
work with the Soviet Union for peace in Central America. On August
1, the Governments of the United States and the Soviet Union issued
a joint statement on the situation in Central America. They noted
the positive trends to settle regional disputes at the negotiating
table and ease tensions through national reconciliation.
-- They welcomed the resolution of the conflict in
Nicaragua, the important agreements reached in April between the
Government of El Salvador and the FMLN [Farabundo Marti National
Liberation] and the beginning of dialogue between the Government of
Guatemala and the URNG [Guatemalan National Revolutionary Union].
-- The Soviet and US sides agreed that additional joint steps
should be taken to promote the full agenda of the Esquipulas
agreements including democratization, a cease-fire and settlement
of existing conflicts, national reconciliation, economic
development, and regional disarmament.
-- They called on the United Nations and other international
organizations, as well as countries outside Central America,
including Cuba, to intensify their efforts to resolve the remaining
political issues, secure a cease-fire and final peace settlement in
El Salvador.
-- They voiced strong support for the efforts of the
Secretary General of the United Nations to help negotiate an end to
the conflict in El Salvador, urged his direct involvement in the
negotiations, and expressed support for the active involvement of
the friends of the Secretary General--Colombia, Mexico, Venezuela,
and Spain.
The joint statement aims high and expresses a clear, firm
resolve. The importance of attaining peace in Central America is
expressed in the final paragraph. I quote: The Soviet Union and the
United States are convinced that an end to the conflict in El
Salvador will contribute to economic development in Central
America and help remove the remaining sources of tension in the
Caribbean Basin region, thereby contributing to the further peaceful
integration of Latin America.
These negotiations are as great a test of the realities of
peace and international cooperation today as they were when this
statement was issued earlier this month. There is still much to be
done to help both sides in El Salvador to fulfill aspirations for an
end to the bloodshed by reaching agreement on a cease-fire and the
reintegration of all involved in the conflict into civilian political
life.
Second, Soviet relations with Fidel Castro remain a major
source of concern. Since 1961, Cuba has received enormous
amounts of Soviet aid. Soviet economic subsidies have made it
possible for Fidel Castro's inherently weak economic system to
muddle along, disguising fatal productive and organizational flaws.
Soviet military and economic subsidies have made possible Fidel
Castro's continued support for armed conflict and destabilization in
neighboring countries, members of this regional organization.
The Soviet people have now moved to the center stage of
human history, acting with conviction and determination to claim
the promise of freedom and to take on its burdens. But here in the
Americas, the government led by Fidel Castro remains fixed in time,
paralyzed by ideology and isolated by its leader from the great
currents of history. Why has the "President of the Revolution"
greeted the defeat of reactionary forces in the Soviet Union with
uncharacteristic silence? Unfortunately, so long as the people of
Cuba are not allowed the freedom of expression they require to take
control of their future, we will be left to guess at what they think
about the earth-shaking events in the Soviet Union.
President Bush last May challenged President Castro to "put
democracy to a test--permit political parties to organize and a free
press to thrive. Hold free and fair elections under international
supervision."
The US Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs,
Bernard Aronson, noted last July (July 11 statement to the Western
Hemisphere subcommittee of the Congress) that, "To an extent
almost unique in world politics, the Cuban state is dominated by one
person." "The United States," Mr. Aronson added, "hopes that the
Cuban people can soon enjoy a peaceful transition to the free,
democratic future they deserve."
Third, we of the Americas may be in a position to share with
a democratic Soviet Union experiences that will increase its
chances to improve the economic well-being of its citizens.
We sometimes speak as though it were merely a matter of the
Soviet Union influencing the nations of this hemisphere. But our
nations are part of the forces of global change. We need not be
passive witnesses to events outside our region. We can do more
than assess the effect of extra-regional developments on our
immediate concerns.
The countries of Latin America and the Caribbean have gone
through a sweeping and profound democratic revolution. Moreover,
many OAS member states have faced up to the cumulative damages
imposed by the lack of competition that results from authoritarian
politics and centralized economies. With singular resolve, they
have begun to liberate their economies from the heavy hand of
statist control.
Today, in another hemisphere of our shrinking planet, and on
the heels of its difficult and still unfinished political
transformation, the Soviet Union is searching for an economic
transformation of equal breadth and depth. The Soviet leaders know
that they must develop a free and competitive market.
In this hemisphere, Argentina, Chile, Jamaica, and Mexico--to
mention just a few, because the list is long and growing every day-
-are already moving well along this path to improve the well-being
of their societies. They know what demands liberalization places
on the energy and creativity of a people.
Those who have set out on this path have something real to
contribute--the most important asset in assisting other countries
embarked on a similar course of action--the wealth of their own
experience.
There is no solidarity of wider embrace than that of free men
and women united in the effort to make freedom work. The trail
blazers along the path of economic reform in the Americas can
provide practical support for the leaders of the Soviet Union.
Even with a doubling of its trade with the United States in
the last 5 years, the Soviet Union accounts for less than 1% of US
trade. The Americas account for 13 times that much trade now, and
the prospect of still wider trade opened up by the Enterprise for the
Americas Initiative could make this hemisphere a real-life model of
how an open, outward-oriented economy works.
There is a political point here as well. The drive to
integration in this Western Hemisphere offers food for thought as
the members of the vast multinational state of the Soviet Union
struggle to define the destiny of the many peoples of their
constituent republics. The progress toward integration in North
America, the Southern Cone, the Caribbean, Central America, and the
Andes is being achieved freely and with full respect for the
juridical equality and sovereignty of the partner-states.
There is no practical formula that can be applied from one
area to another, but one might suggest that the principle of
nonintervention, pioneered juridically in the Western Hemisphere
and recognized in our draft resolution today, could serve as
inspiration for a style of integration that respects the integrity of
all concerned.
Finally, let me close with one attempt to formulate a lesson.
I have long felt that the application of the rational intelligence to
human events is necessarily disquieting, and, when applied to
governments, potentially revolutionary. No government can match
abstract notions of perfection or meet all the human needs of its
people. No government is immune to the barbs of the unfettered
intelligence of its press and people. Where there is a free press to
spread accurate information intelligently, governments will always
be criticized.
Governments can survive this inevitable criticism but only if
freedom of information and thought join with constitutional
precepts and the realization that citizens have the right to choose
their leaders through the ballot--if necessary, replacing them on a
regular basis.
Popular freedom and popular choice are the two most
important forces shaping the modern world. When they come
together, in constitutional, elected governments, they are the best
guarantee of stability. When governments are not legitimized by
election, or when there is--in the words of the historic resolution
adopted by the OAS at the General Assembly in Santiago de Chile
this past June--a "sudden or irregular interruption of the
democratic political institutional process or of the legitimate
exercise of power by the democratically elected government,"
stability is not possible.
The lesson of modern politics is that those who do not accept
democratic constitutions--which can and must be very different
according to the history and culture of particular nations, but which
have as a common foundation institutional procedures to respect
the human, civic, and political rights of individual citizens and
reconcile them with the requirements of the state for order--will
not last.
As George Bush said in his inaugural address in 1989--with
prescience, despite what still seemed a different age, "In man's
heart, if not [yet] in fact, the day of the dictator is over."(###)
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 36, September 9, 1991
Title: OAS Declaration on Events in the Soviet Union
Description: Declaration of the OAS Permanent Council, adopted at
the special meeting of the Council, Washington, DC
Date: Aug 28, 19918/28/91
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: South America, North America, Central America,
Caribbean
Subject: OAS, Democratization
[TEXT]
The Permanent Council of the Organization of American States, in
view of the recent events in the Soviet Union:
1. Welcomes the reestablishment of constitutional government in
the Soviet Union.
2. Greets with satisfaction the efforts of the Soviet people, who,
inspired by the timeless and universal values of freedom and
respect for the dignity of peoples, opposed and thus thwarted the
attempt to forcibly disrupt the prevailing institutional order in the
Soviet Union.
3. Declares its unwavering support for the process of reaffirming
and advancing the rule of law and for the full observance of the
human rights and basic freedoms of all Soviet citizens, within a
pluralistic and participatory framework and in keeping with the
principles of self-determination, non-intervention, and the exercise
of representative democracy.
4. In keeping with the principles of the OAS Charter and of the
recent Santiago Commitment, reiterates its conviction that the
profound economic and political changes occurring on the world
level and the end of the Cold War afford new opportunities and bring
new responsibilities to move decisively toward a just and
democratic international order based upon full adherence to
international law, the peaceful settlement of disputes, solidarity,
and the revitalization of multilateral diplomacy and of
international organizations, all of which will benefit the
Hemisphere.(###)
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 36, September 9, 1991
Title: Baltic Membership in the UN
Boucher
Source: State Department Deputy Spokesman Richard
Boucher
Description: Washington, DC
Date: Sep 3, 19919/3/91
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: E/C Europe
Country: Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania
Subject: United Nations
[TEXT]
We have been informed that the democratically elected Governments
of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania are applying today for membership
in the United Nations. We wholeheartedly endorse and support these
applications. As President Bush reminded the world yesterday, the
United States has always supported the independence of the Baltic
states.
We have been in touch with the US-based representatives of
these three states regarding their applications for UN membership.
We will be sponsoring Security Council resolutions endorsing these
applications. We will also support a reduction of the usual 35-day
waiting period between Security Council action and final approval
by the UN General Assembly to 7 days. This reduction is allowed
under the UN's rules of procedure.
We look forward to early and favorable action by both the
Security Council and the General Assembly and hope that the three
delegations will take their rightful place in the UN when the
General Assembly begins later this month. (###)
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 36, September 9, 1991
Title: Vice President Quayle's Trip to Africa
Date: Sep 9, 19919/9/91
Category: Fact Sheets
Region: Subsaharan Africa
Country: Cape Verde, Nigeria, Malawi,
Namibia, Cote d'Ivoire
Subject: Democratization, Trade/Economics
[TEXT]
Vice President Dan Quayle is visiting Cape Verde, Nigeria, Malawi,
Namibia, and Cote d'Ivoire September 8-14. During his trip to
Africa, he is emphasizing US support for democracy and promoting
trade and investment opportunities for African nations with the
United States and among each other.
CAPE VERDE
US-Cape Verde Relations
The United States supported Cape Verde's request for admission to
the United Nations shortly after it received its independence from
Portugal on July 5, 1975. During the 1980s, Cape Verde hosted
negotiations that eventually led to an end to Angola's civil war and
Namibian independence. Taking advantage of their Lusophone
heritage, respect among African nationalist leaders, and close
historical ties to the United States, Cape Verdean leaders joined US
officials in mediating talks that included Cuba, which had troops in
Angola; South Africa, which had occupied Namibia; and the warring
Angolan factions. In 1983, a resident US ambassador began to serve
there, expanding the consular representation that had existed since
1816. However, as early as 1810, US whaling ships in the region
had recruited crews from the islands Brava and Fogo. About
350,000 Cape Verdeans live in the United States.
Vice President Quayle signed a $1 million Economic Support
Fund grant on September 8. The US Ambassador to Cape Verde is
Francis Terry McNamara.
Consolidation of Democracy
Cape Verde is governed by the 79-member National Assembly
established under the 1981 constitution. Elected for 5-year terms,
the assembly members confirm the prime minister who is
nominated by the popularly elected president. Antonio Mascarenhas,
candidate of the Portuguese Movement for Democracy (MPD), in
February 1991 led his party to its first victory over the former
one-party government.
Economic and Trade Issues
About one-half of the labor force is agricultural, producing 20% of
the gross domestic product on the arable 10% of the total land area.
Corn is the dietary staple. Subsistence crops also include beans,
sweet potatoes, and manioc. Bananas, sugarcane, arabica coffee,
and fish are exported in small quantities. Mineral resources are
salt, pozzolana (a volcanic rock used in cement production) and
limestone. In 1983, a US-financed desalinization and power plant
began operation. Extensive, unspoiled beaches and a dry, temperate
climate ranging from 210C to 260C (710F and 800F) offer
possibilities for tourism development.
Cape Verde has signed economic accords with Portugal, the
European Community, the Arab Development Bank, Sweden,
Netherlands, and the African Development Bank. The United States
ships yearly 15,000 metric tons of corn and other grains to Cape
Verde. Other US programs sponsor food crop research, technical
assistance, watershed water conservation, rural development,
school construction, reforestation, human resource development,
desalinization facilities, and export promotion development. The
1989 export promotion development agreement complements the
recent, government-sponsored economic reorientation under which
Cape Verde hopes to encourage foreign investment and to develop
export processing zones, offshore banking facilities, transshipment,
and similar endeavors.
The value of US imports from Cape Verde for 1990 was
$167,000, primarily in footwear, newsprint, dolls, and women's
dresses; exports to Cape Verde totaled $5.8 million, principally
from corn, rice, and malt extract.
Cape Verde at a Glance
Conveniently located with good harbors and international airports,
Cape Verde is important as a crossroads of mid-Atlantic air- and
sealanes. Portuguese sailors landed there as early as 1462. Cape
Verdeans speak Crioulo, a dialect based on archaic Portuguese, and
conduct official business in Portuguese. The economy depends upon
shipping, resupplying ships, fishing, and fish processing.
NIGERIA
US-Nigeria Relations
In cooperation with US efforts to control narcotics traffic, Nigeria
has taken major steps against the drug trade by creating a national
drug law enforcement agency, tightening airport security, and
publishing names and photographs of Nigerians convicted of drug
offenses. Vice President Quayle will announce a $2-million US
Agency for International Development project on democracy. The US
Ambassador to Nigeria is Lannon Walker.
Consolidation of Democracy
Military rule under General Ibrahim Babandiga, President, will
terminate on October 1, 1992, on the 32nd anniversary of Nigerian
independence. At the same time, the federal capital is scheduled to
move to Abuja, a new city begun in the late 1970s. Local
government elections took place in December 1990 as the first step
in the country's return to civilian rule. Elections in the 21 states
will occur in late 1991, and national elections for president and
National Assembly are scheduled for mid-1992.
Nigeria's evolution into a federal republic grew out of its
turn-of-the-century subjugation to British traders chartered as the
Royal Niger Company. Through the stages of colony, protectorate,
and member of the Commonwealth, it has exercised self-
determination in altering the federal structure to provide more
autonomy for ethnic minorities. In 1986, a remarkable public
debate on proposed economic reform and recovery measures
demonstrated the people's preference for self-imposed austerity
rather than economic aid through an International Monetary Fund
loan.
Nigeria is committed to African unity and independence,
accommodation of religious and ethnic differences, peaceful
settlement of disputes, non-alignment, non-intervention in the
internal affairs of other nations, and regional economic cooperation
and development. It has taken the lead in articulating the views of
developing nations on the need for modification of the existing
international economic order.
It traditionally has maintained a leading role in multilateral
relations among African countries. At the 27th annual summit of
the Organization of African Unity, held in Abuja in June of this year,
African nations signed a treaty establishing the African Economic
Community (AEC). The AEC, which is dedicated to developing trade
and investment ties among African nations, began as the so-called
Lagos Plan of Action at the first-ever African economic summit
held in Lagos in 1980.
Nigeria also plays a leading role in the Economic Community
of West African States (ECOWAS), which recently gained
international recognition for providing the peace-keeping force that
helped bring an end to the bloody civil war in Liberia. A Nigerian,
ECOMOG [the cease-fire monitoring group for Liberia] Field
Commander Rufus Kupolati, commands the peace-keeping troops,
who remain in Liberia as a buffer between the previously warring
factions.
Nigeria's representative to the United Nations, Ambassador
Joseph Garba, was President of the 44th UN General Assembly in
1989.
Economic and Trade Issues
Because of its size, energy, philosophy, and economic potential,
Nigeria represents an important market area. Prior to the oil boom
of the 1970s, Nigeria's economy was agriculturally based. Since
then, a great rural to urban migration has reduced its export of
foodstuffs and shifted its fortunes to the vagaries of petroleum
price fluctuations. The austerity program aimed to encourage
domestic production and reduce reliance on exports. Accompanying
measures reduced the formerly dominant role of the state in the
economy and placed Nigeria among the leaders in economic
adjustment in Africa. In essence, the government abolished most
import controls in favor of a more open and market-determined
access to foreign exchange. It also abolished agricultural
marketing boards, privatized state-owned enterprises, liberalized
interest rates, moved toward eliminating quantitative credit
controls, and liberalized rules governing foreign investment. Joint
ventures are possible, especially if they use locally available raw
materials. Presently, Bank of America, Citibank, American Express
Banking Corp., and the Bank of Boston have affiliate banks in
Nigeria.
Nigeria's resources include petroleum, tin, columbite, iron
ore, coal, limestone, lead, and zinc. Petroleum deposits are found
mostly in the delta area where the Niger River fans out to reach the
Gulf of Guinea. Ninety-eight percent of Nigeria's $8-billion export
total is attributable to petroleum, with cocoa and rubber as other
significant commodities.
Agricultural products include palm oil, yams, cassava,
sorghum, millet, corn, rice, livestock, groundnuts, and cotton. Major
industries are textiles, cement, food products, footwear, metal
products, lumber, beer, detergents, and car assembly, a list that
attests to the diversity of Nigeria's labor force. Major markets are
Western Europe and the United States; major suppliers are those
areas and Japan. Cultural centers maintained by the United States,
the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, the USSR, and Japan
reflect this economic interaction.
USAID provides about 25% of the total budget for the
International Institute for Tropical Agriculture. Nigeria is a
member of OPEC, ECOWAS, the Organization of African Unity (OAU),
the Organization of African Trade Union Unity (OATUU),
Commonwealth, INTELSAT, the Non-Aligned Movement, and several
other West African regional bodies in West Africa.
Nigeria ran a trade surplus during the 1980s as the 16th
ranking importer of US goods. Exports to Nigeria increased 16%
between 1989 and 1990; imports from Nigeria increased 13%. US
firms have large investments in the petroleum industry, banking,
and manufacturing.
The United States is Nigeria's largest export market, taking
almost 50% of its products. It is the fifth largest supplier of
petroleum to the United States. The 1987 ban on wheat imports,
which is still in effect, eliminated the largest single US market in
Africa and caused a bilateral trade balance in Nigeria's favor of $5.4
billion.
Nigeria at a Glance
Independent since 1960, Nigeria's population is estimated at 115-
120 million, representing 250 tribal groups, of which the largest
are the Hausa-Fulani, the Ibo, and the Yoruba. Nigeria has one-
quarter of Sub-Saharan Africa's people and a rich diversity of
customs, languages, and traditions. Estimates of religious
affiliations are 50% Muslim and 40% Christian. Twenty-four cities
in Nigeria number more than 100,000 people each, many of whom
speak two or more Nigerian languages in addition to English. About
9 million people live in Lagos, the capital.
The Nigerian cultural figure best known to Westerners is
Wole Soyinka, winner of the 1987 Nobel Prize for literature. The
arts and sciences are sustained, tuition free, by 16 federal
universities, 8 state universities, 276 teacher training colleges,
and 126 technical institutions. Sixty percent of the enrollment
studies engineering, agriculture, and medicine. All university
graduates are required to serve 1 year in the National Youth Service
Corps in order to instill a national consciousness and tolerance of
cultural diversity.
More than 200,000 Nigerians have studied in American
institutions of higher education; as many as 20,000 are, at any one
time, financed by their government or their own private funds. An
active Fulbright program, funded at $450,000 in 1990, has exposed
Nigerians to America with the result that they have opted for
modifications in Nigerian schools, which emulate the American
system.
MALAWI
US-Malawi Relations
The issues shared between Malawi and the United States include
human rights and refugee affairs. Malawi, at no small cost to its
economy, has demonstrated its compassion by serving as haven for
refugees in camps funded by the United States and other Western
democracies. It has maintained an independent foreign policy that
includes full diplomatic relations with Israel and South Africa, a
position that other African nations are only now beginning to favor.
Many Malawians study in the United States or frequent the
American cultural center in Lilongwe. The US Agency for
International Development and 125 Peace Corps volunteers are
active in skills training as well as promoting cross-cultural
understanding in Malawi. The US Ambassador to Malawi is Michael
T. F. Pistor.
Consolidation of Democracy
Malawi, a one-party state, is governed by the National Assembly,
patterned on the British parliamentary system. It is elected every
5 years by universal suffrage and secret ballot. The government has
a cabinet and court system derived from British models and a
system of "traditional courts" in which tribal chiefs have
jurisdiction to hear any type of criminal case involving Africans.
President Dr. H. Kamuzu Banda, educated in the United States,
assertively sets standards for social and educational programs in
Malawi.
Education at primary and secondary levels is neither
compulsory nor free, but commitment to higher education for future
leaders is demonstrated by the expenditure of $15 million to create
a preparatory school with European faculty. The Kamuzu Academy, a
boarding school, specializes in a classical curriculum requiring all
students to learn Latin and Greek. Malawi also has established the
University of Malawi, where a school of medicine is to open in 1991.
Economic and Trade Issues
Malawi's position as a land-locked country dependent upon the ports
and railroads of its neighbors is a factor in pricing its exports.
Because there are few exploitable mineral resources, the country is
seeking innovative ways to improve its economic situation. These
include a $15.6-million parastatal divestiture program, a $36-
million Malawi development program, a new $8-million enterprise
transformation project, and the $8.9-million rural enterprises and
agri-business development project. All import/export controls
ended in 1990.
Major US private investments are in agro-industry and
petroleum distribution. Malawi's imports from the United States
increased 37% in 1990 over 1989. The most promising area for US
exporters is supplying materials and equipment for development
projects, especially those funded by USAID, the World Bank, and the
African Development Bank/Fund.
Predominantly an agricultural economy with a relatively free
market system, Malawi exports tobacco, tea, sugar, groundnuts,
coffee, cotton, and maize, which is the staple food of the country.
It was able to supply substantial quantities to its drought-stricken
neighbors during the 1980s. Ninety percent of the population
engages in subsistence farming, producing beans, rice, and cassava.
Malawi's acceptance of structural reforms to cope with
balance of payments problems after a worldwide slump in
commodity prices has earned it the respect and support of the
international financial community. A member of the United Nations,
the Organization of African Unity, and the Commonwealth, Malawi
maintains diplomatic relations with many Western countries. It is
also a signatory to the Lome Convention, which deals with tariff
preferences in the European Community.
Malawi at a Glance
Malawi is an ancient land, one of the oldest in terms of
archaeological evidence, and one of the youngest in terms of
independence, which it obtained on July 6, 1964. Of its 8 million
people, about 30% are literate in English and 45% in Chichewa.
Newspapers and radio transmissions are done in both languages, and
American films and videos are popular. Christianity is the major
religion, while more than 20% are Muslim/Hindu.
Located in southeastern Africa Malawi harbors a part of the
Great Rift Valley. In the valley lies Lake Malawi, the third largest
lake in Africa East and west of it are high plateaus, generally
between 900 and 1,200 meters (3,000-4,000 ft.) above sea level,
where temperatures are warm from October through April. Only
along the lake and the Shire River from the south end of the lake are
conditions hot and humid. Established beach resorts offer
snorkeling among many varieties of tropical fish in Lake Malawi.
The mountains provide hiking and climbing opportunities, and the
premier attractions are three major game parks.
NAMIBIA
US-Namibia Relations
The United States helped achieve Namibian independence through
diplomatic efforts for many years, playing a principal role in UN
negotiations and contributing more than $100 million to the UN
Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG). Secretary Baker represented
President Bush at Namibia's independence celebrations and
inaugurated the US Embassy in Windhoek on the same day, March 21,
1990. President Sam Nujoma visited President Bush in June 1990 in
a private meeting at the White House. Also in 1990, the United
States initiated a Peace Corps program and signed a bilateral
investment guarantee agreement. The US Ambassador to Namibia is
Genta Hawkins Holmes.
Consolidation of Democracy
Since March 20, 1990, Namibia has been governed according to a
constitution that provides checks and balances for the three
branches of government. Besides a multi-party system, a bill of
rights, and guarantees of both private property rights and
fundamental human rights, there is also a provision that Namibia
shall have a mixed economy and that foreign investment will be
encouraged. Sam Nujoma is the President of Namibia.
Economic and Trade Issues
Agriculture contributes 11-15% of Namibia's gross domestic
product through the labor of about 70% of the population while
almost 30% comes from mining. Namibia's mineral resources
include diamonds, copper, uranium, lead, tin, zinc, silver, tantalite,
phosphate, sulfur, gemstones, salt, and vanadium. The presence of
gas in the offshore area may indicate petroleum reservoirs as well.
Manufacturing contributes less than 6% of GDP. Domestic
manufactures concentrate on food and beverage processing,
brewing, furniture, textiles, and assembly plants. About 76% of
Namibia's exports, (more than $1 billion in 1989) came from its
mines, as did 24% of the total government tax revenues. Besides
minerals, exports include fish, beef cattle, and karakul sheep pelts,
but agricultural products constitute only 10-20% of exports.
From two good harbors at Luderitz and Walvis Bay, fishing
boats search for pilchards (sardines), anchovies, hake, tuna, rock
lobster, and mackerel, mostly for export. By far the biggest trading
partner remains South Africa, from which Namibia buys most of its
processed foodstuffs and manufactured consumer goods. It buys
most of its mining equipment and machinery from Germany, the
United Kingdom, and the United States.
Independence has given Namibia incentives to develop trade
with the West. A USAID mission has been opened recently, and an
Overseas Private Investment Corporation mission is expected to
result in some joint ventures.
Namibia at a Glance
An international airport supplies connections to Europe, and 600
hotel rooms in Windhoek and excellent communications await
travelers to an unspoiled landscape and an unusual variety of flora
and fauna. Conservation and ecological areas protect game and the
unique coastal desert.
The land supports a population estimated at 1.5 million
people, 87% black, 6% white, and 7% of mixed race. Education is
compulsory until age 16, and the literacy rate is an estimated 40%,
especially in areas where missionary and government education
efforts have been concentrated. English is the official language,
with African languages, Afrikaans, and German also spoken.
COTE D'IVOIRE
US-Cote d'Ivoire Relations
Ivorian President Felix Houphouet-Boigny has supported many
critical US diplomatic initiatives in Africa and most recently in UN
Security Council deliberations concerning the Gulf crisis. He has
supported efforts that led to the recent Angolan peace accords.
While maintaining full diplomatic relations with Angola's Marxist
government, Cote d'Ivoire also spoke freely with the anti-
communist UNITA movement led by Jonas Savimbi. Cote d'Ivoire
also has played a key role in helping bring about a cease-fire in
Liberia and is continuing efforts to resolve political and security
problems there.
Cote d'Ivoire is a member of the Economic Community of West
African States and of the Organization of African Unity; it also
maintains close ties with its French-speaking neighbors in the
Council of the Entente, a regional organization promoting economic
development. It joined the UN in 1960 and participates in most of
its specialized agencies. The US Agency for International
Development (USAID) maintains a regional office there for
administering programs in West Africa. Peace Corps volunteers
have recently returned to Cote d'Ivoire to work in public health
projects after an absence of 9 years. The US Ambassador to Cote
d'Ivoire is Kenneth L. Brown.
Consolidation of Democracy
President Houphouet-Boigny is very influential among the leaders of
West Africa, having been elected to seven
5-year terms since 1960, the date of the country's independence
from France. On the same schedule, the 175 members of the
National Assembly are elected by all citizens over the age of 21. In
April 1990, the country moved to a multi-party system after 30
years of single-party politics.
Economic and Trade Issues
The Government of Cote d'Ivoire maintains that the only way for
Africa to achieve solidarity is through step-by-step economic and
political cooperation. Political stability since independence has
enabled the country to push development of the industrial sector so
that agricultural processing, construction, and textiles have
prospered. Oil exploration, originally begun by Phillips and ESSO,
may be continued, and BHP Utah began gold exploration in 1987. An
aggressive government program is developing mineral resources,
such as iron, nickel, and manganese.
About 56 US firms operate in Abidjan, including
manufacturers, accounting firms, a law firm, and a bank. They are
among many public and private organizations that find Abidjan well
situated as a headquarters for regional activity, such as the West
African office of the World Bank, the African Development Bank, the
multinational Air Afrique, and the secretariat of the Council of the
Entente. All of the countries in the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development are represented in Abidjan, along with
a number of developing countries.
Over-production of cocoa in 1988-89 led to a severe drop in
commodity prices. The government now is encouraging production
of bananas, palm oil, cotton, pineapples, coconuts, rubber, and sugar.
It also aims to achieve self-sufficiency in foodstuffs. Oil refinery
profits and the government's success in interesting private
investors in opportunities in the country have helped reduce the
debt burden and the effects of drought.
In the absence of bilateral USAID agreements, US assistance
to Cote d'Ivoire has been channeled through the World Bank and the
African Development Bank or through regional USAID programs.
Agreements signed in 1989 and 1990 brought 75,000 tons of
American rice to the Ivorian market, with proceeds to be used in the
development programs of the Ministry of Agriculture, Water, and
Forests.
US investment in Cote d'Ivoire, concentrated in petroleum,
hotels, computers, and service industries, amount to nearly $650
million. Another measure of US interest is the presence in Abidjan
of the American Chamber of Commerce, which participates in
regional trade fairs, giving visibility to American products.
In 1990, US imports from Cote d'Ivoire amounted to almost $2
million for cocoa, oil, coffee, pearls, chocolate, rubber, sugars,
veneers abrasives, and railway sleepers. Exports worth about $79
million included rice, paper and paperboard, wheat, data-processing
equipment, knitted fabrics, plastics, tractors, tobacco, rags, and
aircraft.
Cote d'Ivoire at a Glance
Cote d'Ivoire is a tropical republic on the southern coast of the
bulge of West Africa. Guinea Highlands, in the northwest, rise
1,460 meters (4,800 ft.) above sea level in the otherwise flat land.
Its 11.5 million people represent more than 60 ethnic groups. Five
million of the inhabitants have immigrated from neighboring
countries. The official language is French, and the literacy rate is
45%.
A tradition of assistance to refugees has distinguished Cote
d'Ivoire since it supplied a haven for Indo-Chinese refugees during
the 1950s, for Lebanese during the 1960s, and for Liberians during
their recent conflict there.
Cote d'Ivoire has two deepwater ports and railroad
connections through the center of the country to the Gulf of Guinea
by way of Burkina Faso. Paved highways and the national airline,
Air Ivoire, connect the major centers. Air Afrique and other African
carriers provide regular intracontinental service, and there is daily
direct service to Paris.(###)
Sub-Saharan Africa: Assistance and Trade
Goals of US Development Assistance
-- Better management of economies.
-- Stronger competitive free markets to replace centralized
and parastatal systems.
-- Higher private sector-led growth.
-- Increased long-term agricultural and industrial
productivity.
-- Improved food security.
Methods of US Development Assistance
-- Bilateral and multilateral aid.
-- Promotion of private investment.
-- Providing foreign exchange through purchase of African
products.
-- Debt rescheduling of official debt for reforming countries.
-- Forgiveness of official debt for reforming countries in
exchange for domestic economic reforms, such as establishment of
realistic exchange rates; reduction or elimination of government
price controls; reduced government budget deficits; parastatal
reform; and market-based interest rates.
Vehicles for Economic Assistance
US Agency for International Development. Through the
Development Fund for Africa, supports projects in family planning,
health, basic education, and economic reform; sponsors investment
missions to Africa; manages Trade and Development Program
feasibility studies.
The African Development Bank makes loans for development.
Its African Development Fund makes concessional loans.
The World Bank oversees structural adjustment programs and
makes loans to support development.
The Africa Growth Fund, established and owned by major US
corporations to invest in African companies, makes venture capital
loans to Americans investing in Africa and conducts investment
missions to Africa.(###)
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 36, September 9, 1991
Title: African Political Changes and Economic Consequences
Cohen
Source: Herman J. Cohen, Assistant Secretary for African
Affairs
Description: Remarks at a conference on US, Japanese, and African
cooperation, Gotemba, Japan
Date: Aug 29, 19918/29/91
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Subsaharan Africa
Country: Japan, United States
Subject: Trade/Economics, Democratization
I start with the premise that politics in Africa have been
essentially an urban phenomenon for the past 30 years. For the
most part, political decisions have been made by urban-based
political leaders in the interests of urban dwellers. This is ironic
because the most productive and most numerous populations in
Africa have been, and remain, the rural populations. I state this as
a fact and not in any way to be critical. I will leave it to our
African colleagues to provide their expert analysis as to why
politics in Africa have been urban-centered since the initial wave
of independence in the early 1960s. The American experience is the
opposite. In the first 100 years of our existence, the rural
populations wielded considerable political power in direct
proportion to their numbers. The question on the agenda today is
not why African politics developed this way but the economic
impact of these politics.
Given the basic premise of urban-centered politics, it is not
surprising that the initial economic options of most African
governments favored urban interests. Farm prices were kept low so
that urban dwellers could enjoy cheap food. Currency exchange
rates were maintained at overvalued levels so that urban
populations could enjoy cheap imports and low-cost foreign travel.
Industries were nationalized or maintained as government-owned
parastatals in order to guarantee jobs for urban school graduates.
The ranks of the civil service were expanded for the same reason.
Those urban-centered policies made life relatively
comfortable for the urban areas during the period 1960-75 despite
the inherent contradictions in the distorted economies. As long as
primary commodity export prices remained strong, Africans could
afford to maintain high levels of imports and could ignore the
ominous reductions in agricultural food production caused by
undervalued farm prices. High commodity prices also permitted the
subsidizing of expanded labor forces in government-owned
companies and the civil service. Although disadvantaged by the
economic distortions, rural populations benefited from increased
educational opportunities, so that families could hope that their
children might be able to live in the cities as well.
Very conveniently, at the time, the Marxist-Leninist ideology
was enjoying a wave of popularity based on skillful propaganda
originating in Moscow. This ideology provided a veneer of popular
rule masking minority rule by a vanguard single party. Marxist
ideology was tailor-made to sustain the very minority rule system
that most African urban elites had adopted for different reasons.
Since the vanguard party represented all the people, only one party
was needed. The one-party democracy was established to provide
institutional legitimacy for the power monopoly of the urban elite.
The distortions of the urban-centered political and economic
systems are well documented. Lower food production means more
food imports, leaving insufficient foreign exchange for the
importation of capital goods. Overvalued exchange rates discourage
investment for export and encourage the importation of consumer
goods. Guaranteed employment in the civil service and parastatals
encouraged academic studies in liberal arts and law and discouraged
studies in science, technology, and management.
Between the mid-1970s and mid-1980s, the distortions in
African economies became unmanageable with the softening of
commodity prices and the loss of market share, due in large
measure to overvalued exchange rates. International lending
prevented collapse through the early 1980s, but could not be
sustained indefinitely. By the mid-1980s it was clear that Africa
had to pay a price for further assistance--and that price was
structural adjustment.
It is my feeling that the beginning of the movement for
democratic change in Africa coincided with, and was stimulated
mainly by, structural adjustment, which realigned economic power
from urban elites to rural populations and the business community.
It was natural, therefore, that those who are newly empowered
economically should seek political empowerment as well. Multi-
party democracy is clearly the vehicle for that empowerment.
This brings me to my main point. Pluralistic democracy is
the
friend of structural adjustment and economic growth, rather than
their enemy. The single-party system is inherently unfair and
inimical to economic growth. Pluralistic democracy channels
resources to the most productive populations and gives maximum
scope to the private sector. The one-party state is arbitrary and
incompatible with the rule of law, thereby discouraging private
investment.
What is the role of the international donor community during
this important transitional period in Africa?
It is usually unproductive to look back at failure and assign
responsibility. Nevertheless, I feel it is significant that at the
1986 special UN session for African development, the assembled
African chiefs of state assigned responsibility to themselves for
the unproductive economic policy choices of the 1960s. At the
same time, we in the international donor community should feel
some guilt for the unproductive lending in the 1970s, which served
only to prolong the lives of terminally ill economic systems. More
importantly, it is in the interest of the international donor
community that, at the end of the current transition period, Africa
emerge healthy rather than chronically ill. A self-sustaining,
productive, and trading Africa can only contribute to our own
collective well-being.
It is quite clear by now that we are all willing to support
structural adjustment. It is part of our official policies. It is not
yet clear that we are equally enthusiastic in our support of
democracy. My feeling is that Africa cannot have one without the
other. How can we support the growth of democracy? There are
several ways.
First, we can provide technical assistance and financial
support to the establishment of democratic systems--independent
judiciaries, pluralistic parliaments, election structures, and a free
press.
Second, we should insist on the importance of a vigorous
private sector and the creation of a favorable climate for
investment.
Third, we should support the structures of good governance.
The cancer of democracy is corruption; we saw that in Nigeria. The
US Agency for International Development will be devoting
significant resources in support of governance in Africa in 1992 and
beyond.
Fourth, we should not forget that those who are suffering the
most under structural adjustment--the urban populations--are
capable of using pluralistic democracy to undermine the entire
process. They remain, in the final analysis, the most politically
vocal and the most politically capable. For their sake, structural
adjustment must have a human face which will ease the pain for
urban dwellers and prevent the undermining of democracy in its
fragile early stages.(###)
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 36, September 9, 1991
Title: Expansion of the VISA Waiver Pilot Program
Tutwiler
Description: Released by the Office of the Assistant Secretary/
Spokesman
Date: Sep 5, 19919/5/91
Category: Features
Region: Europe, Pacific
Country: Finland, Austria, Spain, New Zealand, Belgium,
Denmark, Norway, Iceland, Luxembourg, San Marino,
Monaco, Liechtenstein, Andorra
Subject: Travel
[TEXT]
The Department of State is pleased to announce the extension of the
Visa Waiver Pilot Program (VWPP) from the 8 countries currently
participating to an additional 13 countries beginning
October 1, 1991.
Citizens of Spain, Austria, New Zealand, Finland, Belgium,
Denmark, Norway, Iceland, Luxembourg, San Marino, Andorra,
Monaco, and Liechtenstein will no longer be required to obtain
tourist or business visas to travel to the US for 90 days or less.
The VWPP is already in effect for citizens of the United Kingdom,
Japan, France, Italy, Germany, The Netherlands, Sweden, and
Switzerland.
To qualify for a visa waiver, a traveler from one of these 21
countries must:
-- Have a valid passport issued by the participating country
and be a citizen (not only a resident) of that country;
-- Be seeking entry for 90 days
or less;
-- If entering by air or sea, have a round-trip transportation
ticket issued on a carrier that has signed an agreement with the US
Government to participate in the waiver program and arrive in the
United States aboard such a carrier;
-- Have proof of financial solvency and hold a completed and
signed visa waiver arrival/departure form (I-94W), on which he/she
has waived the right to a hearing of exclusion or deportation. These
forms will be available from participating carriers, from travel
agents, and at land-border ports-of-entry. (Travelers should
consult carriers before departure to verify which ones are
participating.)
Entry at a land border crossing point from Canada or Mexico is
permitted under the VWPP. Travelers who apply for entry at a land
border crossing point are not required to present round-trip
transportation tickets or arrive at the border entry point aboard a
carrier which has signed an agreement with the US to participate in
the VWPP. All other VWPP requirements apply to such
travelers.
Visitors applying for entry under this program are allowed to
remain 90 days (this cannot be extended) and cannot change their
status. Consistent with regulations pertaining to B1/B2 temporary
visitor visas, travelers coming under the VWPP cannot work or
study.
Certain travelers still need to apply for a visa, such as those
who plan to work or study, stay more than 90 days, or who might
otherwise be ineligible for a visa. Travelers previously denied
visas, or who have criminal records, or who believe they may be
ineligible for a visa should contact the nearest US embassy or
consulate before attempting to travel on the visa waiver
program.(###)
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 36, September 9, 1991
Title: US Treaty Actions
Date: Sep 9, 19919/9/91
Category: Treaties/Agreements
Country: Argentina, Bangladesh, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil,
Bulgaria, Canada, Chad, Chile, Congo, Egypt,
El Salvador, Germany, Honduras, Italy, Mexico,
Nicaragua, Nigeria, Poland, Solomon Islands,
Sri Lanka, USSR (former), Venezuela
Subject: International Law, Democratization, Narcotics,
Trade/Economics, Development/Relief Aid,
United Nations, Human Rights, Environment
[TEXT]
MULTILATERAL
Consular Relations
Vienna convention on consular relations. Done at Vienna
Apr. 24, 1963. Entered into force Mar. 19, 1967. TIAS 6820.
Accessions deposited: Marshall Islands, Aug. 9, 1991.
Cultural Property
Convention on the means of prohibiting and preventing the illicit
import, export, and transfer of ownership of cultural property.
Adopted at Paris Nov. 14, 1970. Entered into force Apr. 24, 1972;
for the US Dec. 2, 1983.
Ratification deposited: Cote d'Ivoire, Oct. 30, 1990.
Diplomatic Relations
Vienna convention on diplomatic relations. Done at Vienna Apr. 18,
1961. Entered into force Apr. 24, 1964; for the US Dec. 13, 1972.
TIAS 7502.
Accessions deposited: Angola, Aug. 9, 1990; Marshall Islands, Aug.
9, 1991.
International Labor Organization
Instrument for the amendment of the constitution of the
International Labor Organization. Dated at Montreal Oct. 9, 1946.
Entered into force Apr. 20, 1948. TIAS 1868.
Resumed Membership: Albania, May 22, 1991.
Investment Disputes
Convention on the settlement of investment disputes between
states and nationals of other states. Done at Washington Mar. 18,
1965. Entered into force Oct. 14, l966. TIAS 6090.
Ratification deposited: Australia, May 2, 1991.
Judicial Procedure
Convention on the civil aspects of international child abduction.
Done at The Hague Oct. 25, 1980. Entered into force Dec. 1, 1983;
for the US July 1, 1988. [Senate] Treaty Doc. 99-11.
Territorial Application: Extended by UK to Isle of Man, June 28,
1991.
Narcotic Drugs
Convention on psychotropic substances. Done at Vienna Feb. 21,
1971. Entered into force Aug. 16, 1976; for the US July 15, 1980.
TIAS 9725.
Accession deposited: Guinea, Dec. 27, 1990; Marshall Islands, Aug.
9, 1991.
Pollution
Convention for the protection of the ozone layer, with annexes.
Done at Vienna Mar. 22, 1985. Entered into force Sept. 22, 1988.
TIAS 11097.
Accessions deposited: Costa Rica, July 30, 1991; Philippines, July
17, 1991.
Montreal protocol on substances that deplete the ozone layer, with
annex. Done at Montreal Sept. 16, 1987. Entered into force Jan. 1,
1989. [Senate] Treaty Doc. 100-10.
Ratification deposited: Philippines, July 17, 1991.
Accessions deposited: Costa Rica, July 30, 1991; Uruguay, Jan. 8,
1991.
Red Cross
Geneva convention for the amelioration of the condition of the
wounded and sick in armed forces in the field. Done at Geneva Aug.
12, 1949. Entered into force Oct. 21, 1950; for the US Feb. 2, 1956.
TIAS 3362.
Geneva convention for the amelioration of the condition of the
wounded, sick, and shipwrecked members of armed forces at sea.
Done at Geneva Aug. 12, 1949. Entered into force Oct. 21, 1950; for
the US Feb. 2, 1956. TIAS 3363.
Geneva convention relative to the treatment of prisoners of war.
Done at Geneva Aug. 12, 1949. Entered into force Oct. 21, 1950; for
the US Feb. 2, 1956. TIAS 3364.
Geneva convention relative to the protection of civilian persons in
time of war. Done at Geneva Aug. 12, 1949. Entered into force Oct.
21, 1959; for the US Feb. 2, 1956. TIAS 3365.
Protocol additional to the Geneva conventions of Aug. 12, 1959
(TIAS 3362, 3363, 3364, 3365), relating to the protection of
victims of international armed conflicts (Protocol I), with annexes.
Done at Geneva June 8, 1977. Entered into force Dec. 7, 1978.1
Protocol additional to the Geneva conventions of Aug. 12, 1949
(TIAS 3362, 3363, 3364, 3365) relating to the protection of
victims of non-international armed conflicts (Protocol II). Done at
Geneva June 8, 1977. Entered into force Dec. 7, 1978.1
Accession deposited: Maldives, June 18, 1991.2
Ratification deposited: Australia, June 21, 1991.3,4
Torture
Convention against torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading
treatment or punishment. Done at New York Dec. 10, 1984. Entered
into force June 26, 1987.1
Ratifications deposited: Cyprus, July 18, 1991; Venezuela, July 29,
1991.
Treaties-International Organizations
Vienna convention on the law of treaties between states and
international organizations or between international organizations,
with annex. Done at Vienna Mar. 21, 1986.5
Ratification deposited: Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom,
June 20, 1991.
United Nations
Convention on the privileges and immunities of the United Nations.
Done at New York Feb. 13, 1946. Entered into force Sept. 17, 1946;
for the US Apr. 29, 1970.
Accession deposited: Angola, Aug. 9, 1990.
United Nations Industrial Development
Organization
Constitution of the United Nations Industrial Development
Organization, with annexes. Done at Vienna Apr. 8, 1979. Entered
into force June 21, 1985.
Ratification deposited: Djibouti, Aug. 20, 1991.
United Nations, Privileges and Immunities
Convention on the privileges and immunities of the United Nations.
Done at New York Feb. 13, 1946. Entered into force Sept. 17, 1946;
for the US Apr. 29, 1970.
Accession deposited: Angola, Aug. 9, 1990.
Wills
Convention providing a uniform law on the form of an international
will, with annex. Done at Washington Oct. 26, 1973. Entered into
force Feb. 9, 1978.1 Senate Advice and Consent to Ratification:
Aug. 2, 1991.
Women
Convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against
women. Done at New York Dec. 18, 1979. Entered into force Sept. 3,
1981.1
Ratification deposited: Netherlands, July 23, 1991.
World Heritage
Convention concerning the protection of the world cultural and
natural heritage. Done at Paris Nov. 23, 1972. Entered into force
Dec. 17, 1975.
Accessions deposited: Czechoslovakia, Nov. 15, 1990; Indonesia,
July 6, 1989; Mongolia, Feb. 2, 1990; Venezuela, Oct. 30, 1990; .
Ratifications deposited: Albania, July 10, 1989; Belize, Nov. 6,
1990; Fiji, Nov. 21, 1990.
World Health Organization
Constitution of the World Health Organization. Done at New York
July 22, 1946. Entered into force Apr. 7, 1948; for the US June 21,
1948. TIAS 1808.
Accession deposited: Micronesia, Aug. 14, 1991.
BILATERAL
Argentina
Agreement concerning nautical cartography and geodesy, with
annexes. Signed at Buenos Aires and Fairfax Nov. 28, 1990 and June
18, 1991. Entered into force June 18, 1991.
Bangladesh
Memorandum of understanding to specify the legal status of the
United States Pacific Command Disaster Relief Task Force. Signed
at Dhaka May 20, 1991. Entered into force May 20, 1991; effective
from date of arrival of Task Force.
Belgium
Agreement amending the agreement of May 6 and 11, 1982,
concerning provision of mutual logistic support. Signed at Brussels
and Stuttgart July 1 and 10, 1991. Entered into force July 10, 1991.
Bolivia
Grant agreement for the Cochabamba regional development project,
with annexes. Signed at La Paz July 5, 1991. Entered into force
July 5, 1991.
Brazil
Memorandum of agreement on maritime transport. Signed at
Washington July 31, 1991. Entered into force July 31, 1991.
Bulgaria
International express mail agreement, with detailed regulations.
Signed at Sofia and Washington April 5 and May 20, 1991. Entered
into force June 17, 1991.
Canada
Protocol amending the treaty on extradition of Dec. 3, 1971, as
amended (TIAS 8237), with exchange of letters. Signed at Ottawa
Jan. 11, 1988.5 [Senate] Treaty Doc. 101-17. Senate Advice and
Consent to Ratification: Aug. 2, 1991.
Chad
Agreement relating to the employment of dependents of official
government employees. Effected by exchange of notes at N'Djamena
Apr. 19 and June 8, 1991. Entered into force June 8, 1991.
Chile
Agreement regarding the reduction of certain debts owed to the
United States Government and its agencies, with appendices. Signed
at Washington June 27, 1991. Entered into force Aug. 8, 1991.
Congo
Memorandum of understanding concerning the operation of the
Intelpost service, with details of implementation. Signed at
Brazzaville and Washington March 20, 1990, and May 13, 1991.
Entered into force May 28, 1991.
Egypt
Agreement regarding the reorganization of certain debts owed to,
guaranteed by, or insured by the United States Government and its
agencies, with annexes. Signed at Washington July 18, 1991.
Enters into force following signature and receipt by Egypt of
written notice from the US that all necessary domestic legal
requirements have been fulfilled.
l Salvador
Cooperative agreement for the eradication of screwworms. Signed
at Washington July 24, 1991. Enters into force upon an exchange of
notes confirming its provisions.
Germany
Convention for the avoidance of double taxation and the prevention
of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on income and capital and to
certain other taxes, with a related protocol, two exchanges of notes
and a memorandum of understanding. Signed at Bonn Aug. 29, 1989.
Entered into force: Aug. 21, 1991.
Honduras
Cooperative agreement for the eradication of screwworms. Signed
at Washington July 26, 1991. Enters into force upon an exchange of
notes confirming its provisions.
Italy
Memorandum of understanding concerning scientific and technical
cooperation in the earth sciences, with annexes. Signed at Reston
and Trieste Dec. 11, 1990, and Apr. 19, 1991. Entered into force
Apr. 19, 1991.
Mexico
Memorandum of understanding concerning private land mobile
service use of the bands 821-824 MHz and 866-869 MHz along the
common border, with annexes. Signed at Chester-town (Maryland)
July 2, 1991. Entered into force July 2, 1991.
Nicaragua
International express mail agreement, with detailed regulations.
Signed at Managua and Washington July 24 and Aug. 16, 1991.
Entered into force Sep. 30, 1991.
Nigeria
Agreement regarding the consolidation and rescheduling or
refinancing of certain debts owed to, guaranteed by, or insured by
the United States Government and its agencies, with annexes.
Signed at Lagos Aug. 2, 1991. Enters into force following signature
and receipt by Nigeria of written notice from the US that all
necessary domestic legal requirements have been fulfilled.
Poland
Agreement relating to the employment of dependents of official
government employees, with annex. Effected by exchange of notes
at Warsaw Apr. 30 and May 16, 1991. Entered into force May 16,
1991.
Agreement regarding the reduction and reorganization of certain
debts owed to, guaranteed by, or insured by the Government of the
United States and its agencies, with annexes. Signed at Warsaw
July 17, 1991. Enters into force following receipt by Poland of
written notice from the US that all necessary domestic legal
requirements have been fulfilled.
Solomon Islands
Agreement concerning the status of members of the United States
Forces in Solomon Islands. Signed at Honiara July 3, 1991. Entered
into force July 3, 1991.
Sri Lanka
Postal money order agreement. Signed at Colombo and Washington
Apr. 9 and June 3, 1991. Entered into force July 1, 1991.
USSR
Agreement concerning mutual visits by inhabitants of the Bering
Straits Region. Signed at Jackson Hole, Wyoming, Sept. 23, 1989.
Entered into force: July 10, 1991.
Venezuela
Memorandum of understanding on cooperation in management and
protection of national parks and other protected natural and
cultural heritage sites. Signed at Washington July 1, 1991. Entered
into force July 1, 1991.
1Not in force for the US.
2 Applicable to four 1949 Conventions.
3 Applicable to 1977 Protocols.
4 With declaration(s) to Protocol I.
5 Not in force.(###)