US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 32, August 12, 1991
Title: The Moscow Summit: Building a Relationship on Universal
Human Values
Bush, Gorbachev
Source: President Bush, President Gorbachev
Description: Remarks at the President Bush's arrival ceremony, The
Kremlin, Moscow, USSR
Date: Jul 30, 19917/30/91
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Eurasia, North America
Country: USSR (former), United States
Subject: Arms Control, Democratization, Trade/Economics
[TEXT]
President Gorbachev:
Mr. President, Mrs. Bush, I
would like to extend a warm and sincere welcome to you on Soviet
soil within the walls of our ancient Kremlin.
It has been little more than a year since I visited the United
States. This year has seen events of tremendous importance, both
in our two countries and in the world.
For us in the USSR, it was a year that put to a daily test our
capacity to act constructively at a critical time in the process of
transition in our progress along the path of democratic
transformation and reform.
It was also a challenging year for the international
community. It, too, is going through a period of transition to a new
unprecedented system of international relations.
The beginning of a new era in history has been a tough test
indeed for leaders of states requiring enormous effort, a sense of
high responsibility, strictest realism and vision.
A great deal in world politics will continue to depend on how
the Soviet Union and the United States interact with each other. For
the first time ever our two countries have a chance to build their
relations on the natural basis of universal human values and
national interests.
We are beginning to realize that we need each other, that the
security, internal stability, and dynamic development of each of our
two countries benefits both of them.
Not only our two nations, but the entire world needs this kind
of US-Soviet relationship. The world has realized this and has
given us support in our joint efforts.
Today and tomorrow we will be discussing with you, Mr.
President, these and many other matters. The Soviet people
welcome you as the leader of a great power, as a statesman who is
making a great contribution to the shaping of new world politics.
Mr. President, in recent months and weeks, the Kremlin, a
symbol of our nation's centuries-old history has been the scene of
events that will shape this country's future. Tomorrow it will
witness another such event, the signing of the treaty on the
reduction of strategic offensive arms.
It is more than just a major step in the process of
disarmament. It is a sign of a growing irreversibility of the
fundamental change for the better in world developments.
The results of the G-7 [Group of 7 industrialized nations]
meeting in London further solidify this irreversibility. It was the
beginning of a new type of international economic relations, which
will form the material foundation for world politics in the 21st
century.
All this, I hope will allow our peoples to benefit more directly
from the improving Soviet-US relationship.
Allow me, Mr. President, to assure everyone who will be
following our work with you in the coming days that we shall try to
live up to the hopes of our fellow citizens, the peoples of the United
States and the Soviet Union.
Once again, Mr. President, and Mrs. Bush, welcome to the
Soviet Union.
President Bush:
Well, first let me thank President
Gorbachev, leaders that met us last night, people along the way for
their warm welcome here. We've been looking forward to this visit.
And I'm honored to be in Moscow to meet with President Gorbachev
for this historic summit at a time when tension gives way to a new
season of hope. We need only compare the words of the Cold War
with our historic accomplishments in recent years to realize that a
new age of promise has dawned. No visitor to this country can fail
to see the signs of change.
Since my last visit in 1985, we've witnessed the opening of
Europe and the end of a world polarized by suspicion. That year,
Mikhail Gorbachev assumed leadership of the Soviet Union, put many
monumental changes into motion. He began instituting reforms that
basically changed the world. And in the United States, everyone
now knows at least two Russian words--glasnost and perestroika.
And here, everyone appreciates the English word "democracy.''
Our nations have moved forward in every sphere--political,
military and economic. We stood together for the first time in 50
years to face down aggression in the Gulf--the Persian Gulf--and
this way we take, as the president just said, another historic step
away from the Cold War with the signing of the START [Strategic
Arms Reduction Talks] treaty.
In the next 2 days, President Gorbachev and I hope to build
upon this beginning to forge a US-Soviet agenda built not upon
military confrontation but upon economic and security cooperation.
In the economic sphere, we hope to build upon the agreements
we made in Malta to normalize economic relations and work toward
helping the Soviet Union integrate itself into the international
economy.
In the Middle East, we see new prospects for peace where once
there was only contention. And together, we will work toward
building a lasting peace between Israel and her Arab neighbors. And
we'll also work together to resolve difficulties and conflicts in
Afghanistan and Cambodia, just as we worked to build peace and
democracy in Angola, in Namibia and Nicaragua.
No longer must all the world serve as a stage for superpower
stand-offs. Instead, let every place from Central America to Angola
to Afghanistan offer new hopes, new opportunities. And let us
pursue shared goals--a stable world, no longer polarized; mutually
beneficial economic ties; cooperation on everything from weapons
proliferation to environmental problems.
President Gorbachev has earned our respect and admiration for
his uncommon vision and courage in replacing old orthodoxy with
glasnost and perestroika. But more fundamental than the relations
of leaders are the shared values of their people. And here, our
common humanity offers the greatest hope for mankind.
And, yes, we have differences, but this hope can enable us to
address our differences--differences over Cuba, or the future of the
Baltic states, or what Japan calls the Northern Territories. But
let's conduct all our affairs in the spirit of enduring partnership,
based on politics peaceful and democratic, on economies productive
and free.
You see, Americans want to work with all levels of Soviet
society. Beyond our central governments, we look for greater
interaction between the citizens of our states and your republics.
And beyond government, we seek greater understanding throughout
the broad spectrum of society, among businessmen, students,
artists, and scientists.
So, I come here on a state visit to the Soviet Union, but I also
come to discover a rapidly changing country. For the sake of peace
and new prosperity, on behalf of all Americans I come here today to
assure President Gorbachev, the leaders, the great people of this
land, and each of its republics, that we stand with you in your
historic struggle for democracy and reform.
Fifty years ago, we united as allies to fight a horrible war; a
war that cost the Soviet Union hundreds of thousands of lives. So
this week, let us come together to seek a newer world--more
stable, more just, more peaceful. And thank you, and may God bless
the Soviet people--the sovereign people of this Soviet Union. We're
delighted to be here, Mr. President. (###)
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 32, August 12, 1991
Title: The Moscow Summit: An Era of Progress and Peace
Bush
Source: President Bush
Description: Remarks by President Bush to the Moscow State Institute
for International Relations, Moscow, USSR
Date: Jul 30, 19917/30/91
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Eurasia, North America
Country: USSR (former), United States
Subject: Arms Control, Democratization, Trade/Economics
[TEXT]
First may I salute the Acting Director, Tyulin, and of course, the
distinguished Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union, Mr.
Bessmertnykh.
It is a great privilege to meet with you at this critical
moment of history of your nation, at this time of great hope for all
the world.
For four long decades, our two nations stood locked in conflict
as the Cold War cast its shadow across an armed and uneasy peace.
This summit marks a new beginning--the prospect that we can put
an end to a long era as adversaries, write a new chapter in the
history of our two nations, forge a new partnership and a sturdy
peace.
We have reason to hope. Indeed, we have good reason to hope.
One-by-one the cruel realities of the Cold War flicker and fade, and
a new world of opportunities calls us forward. In Europe--for 40
years the fault line of East-West conflict--the nations of Central
Europe now find a common home in democracy. Far beyond the
confines of this continent--from Afghanistan to the Horn of Africa,
from Angola to Central America--regional conflicts no longer
threaten to become flash points for superpower confrontation.
Worldwide, the risk of global war stands lower now than at any
point in the postwar era.
The challenge we face at this summit, the challenge you face
as present and future leaders of this great nation, is simply this:
Together, our two nations must overcome a half-century of
mistrust to seize this moment and build a lasting peace.
During the past 2 years, President Gorbachev and I have made
substantial progress in building this new relationship. Together--
the Soviet side, the United States side--we've created new
opportunities for arms control. Last fall in Paris we agreed on
landmark reductions in conventional forces stationed in Europe. And
tomorrow, in the Kremlin, we will sign the historic START treaty--
the first treaty that significantly reduces the most dangerous and
destabilizing nuclear forces.
Lower tensions have also made it possible for our two nations
to normalize economic relations. President Gorbachev and I made
this a priority at the Malta summit [December 1989], and I'm
pleased to report today that this process of normalization is now
nearly complete. In May, the Supreme Soviet removed the key
impediment to increased trade: Soviet restrictions on free
emigration. The new Soviet emigration law stands as a major step
forward--a victory for all who value human rights.
Most-Favored-Nation Trade Status
As a consequence of this progress, when I return to Washington, I
will submit to the United States Congress the US-Soviet trade
agreement that we signed 1 year ago. And then we can grant the
Soviet Union most-favored-nation trade status.
I will urge the Congress to repeal the Byrd and Stevenson
amendments--restrictions that limit credits and impede trade. In
addition, we will accelerate our effort to conclude a tax agreement
and a bilateral investment agreement.
For most of this century, the Soviet Union stood apart from
the world market; stood aside as free market forces spawned
unprecedented prosperity across the West. The results of that self-
imposed isolation from the world economy proved very costly. But
now that's begun to change. At this month's London summit,
President Gorbachev spoke about the Soviet Union's interest in
becoming fully integrated into the world economy.
The Soviet Union should become a full participant in the global
economy, and the United States will support you in that effort.
Beyond two-way trade, the United States is working to open doors
to Soviet entry into the economic mainstream. And that's why the
United States supported Soviet observer status at the GATT
[General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade]--and full membership
when the USSR has completed the necessary reforms upon which it
has embarked.
That's why I proposed last December--and the G-7 has just
agreed--that the USSR should enter a "special association" with the
IMF [International Monetary Fund] and the World Bank. Though the
Soviet Union has recently embarked on its massive reconstruction
program of economic reform, its importance and its sheer size
entitle it to this special status, which will speed the day to full
qualification for benefits from the international financial
institutions.
These measures will make available to the Soviet Union
assistance and expertise that can help ease the difficult transition
to a market economy and improve the standard of living for the
Soviet people.
Global Cooperation
But the crowning proof that we are overcoming the old Cold War
animosities remains our cooperation in the Persian Gulf. In the
depths of the Cold War era, Iraq's aggression against its tiny
neighbor might well have brought our two nations, even the entire
world, to the brink of conflict. Instead, our cooperation ensured the
international isolation of Saddam Hussein. If Saddam Hussein
thought he could exploit our differences to his own advantage, he
was dead wrong. At every key point in the crisis, the United States
and the Soviet Union worked together to send a strong and steady
signal to Saddam that his aggression would not stand.
Today, our cooperation in the Gulf holds out hope that we can
work together toward a just and lasting peace in regions of the
world now driven by conflict--in the Middle East, Cambodia, and
Afghanistan--just as we worked together to bring peace and free
elections to Namibia, Angola, and, yes, Nicaragua.
Difficult Questions
In every aspect of our relations--military, political, economic--we
see positive signs of a new partnership. But for all the progress
we've made, let's face it, obstacles do remain. Our ability to
overcome them will be a key test of the strength of this new
relationship I'm talking about. In many cases we face conflicts and
quarrels rooted in the world war fought 50 years ago, frozen in
place by the long Cold War that followed. Disputes like Japan's
claim, which we support, for the return of the Northern Territories.
This dispute could hamper your integration into the world economy,
and we want to do whatever we can to help both sides resolve it.
Difficult as well are questions regarding the future of the
Baltic states--Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. Today, a new
generation of Baltic leaders--democratically elected and reflecting
the will of the Baltic peoples--asks a new generation of Soviet
leaders to repudiate one of the darkest legacies of the Stalin era.
Surely, men and women of reason and good will can find a way to
extend freedom to the Baltic peoples.
Only good-faith negotiations with the Baltic governments can
address the yearnings of their people to be free. We must not see
the positive progress that we have made threatened or thrown in
doubt. Above all, there needs to be a clear and unqualified
commitment to peaceful change.
The Cuban Obstacle
Another obstacle lies close to home for the United States--I'm sure
you know what I'm going to say it is. Ninety miles off the Florida
coast in Cuba this obstacle remains.
The United States poses no threat to Cuba. Therefore, there's
no need for the Soviet Union to funnel millions of dollars in military
aid to Cuba--especially since a defiant Castro, isolated by his own
obsolete totalitarianism--denies his people any move toward
democracy. Castro does not share your faith in glasnost; Castro
does not share your faith in perestroika.
And then finally, it's time for your military establishment to
move to a peacetime footing. It's time to reduce military spending.
We're doing that in the United States. The world has changed. As
you struggle to join the international economy, we will offer our
help in converting your military-industrial might to productive,
peaceful purposes. Now, we appreciate the difficulties of military
reform--the competing demands of people displaced when a Cold
War makes way for a new world order. But we also know this: the
demilitarization of your economy is key to economic
transformation. It will enable you to devote more resources to
economic growth and will help you fill the shelves of your stores.
But the key challenge--the single most important factor in
forging a new partnership between our nations--remains the
outcome of the experiment now reshaping [the] Soviet economy,
Soviet society. Consider the Soviet Union we see today. Gone are
the days when a small cadre hidden behind the high walls of the
Kremlin worked the levers of power. Gone is a rubber-stamp
legislature, the one-party monopoly, enforcing one point of view.
In its place we see unmistakable signs of the new Soviet
Union. Dissidents who once languished in internal exile now serve
as deputies in the People's Congress. Samzidat has given way to
street corner critics. A new Soviet revolution has begun, a
revolution marked by the emergence of many voices--inside and
outside government--in the proliferation of political parties, here
in Moscow and across every part of the vast reaches of this great
and wonderful land.
The forces of reaction and resistance still retain great power.
But each day brings new alliances--a new manifesto for change, a
new call to action. And some ask: Amid this shifting scene, what is
our policy toward all these groups? Who and what do we support?
And my answer is clear: America stands with the forces of freedom
and reform wherever they are found.
US Support for Forces of Reform
My country stands ready to assist in this new Soviet revolution. In
the economic sphere, the transformation must come from within. A
shortage of foreign capital is not what plunged your economy into
crisis, nor can your economic ills be cured by a simple infusion of
cash. Only through real reform can the Soviet Union abolish the
counter-productive command economy. Only through real reform can
the Soviet Union unleash the ingenuity, the energy, and the
entrepreneurial potential of its people.
As market reform moves forward, the US stands ready to
support your efforts. Right now, the next step, it seems to me, is to
devise an economic strategy with the IMF and the World Bank--a
strategy that wins the support of the international investment
community. It should be a program that sets out priorities--one
that makes great use of your enormous natural wealth. But even
more; it must be a plan that unlocks the great human potential of
the people, of the Soviet people. Progress rests on the pace of your
reforms--on the speed with which you move from a system based
on command-and-control to one based on supply and demand. As in
Eastern Europe, our assistance will keep pace with your reform.
But our new partnership must go far beyond the halls of
government in Washington and Moscow and the capitals of Western
Europe. Western governments, with their own strapped resources,
are limited in what they can do. So we must bring together the
businessmen from Europe and America and their partners from all
across the Soviet Union. Our new partnership must bridge the
thousands of miles between small-town America and Soviet cities.
It means expanded exchanges of scientists and scholars, artists and
engineers from the great cities of Moscow and Kiev, from the plains
of Central Asia and the villages of Siberia to the port of
Vladivostok and all points in between. It means students coming to
study in American schools and live with American families. It
means thousands more American students coming to the Soviet
Union to explore your past and experience first hand the future
you're working to create.
For four long decades, cooperation of this kind was the
casualty of the Cold War. So let this Moscow summit definitively
mark the end of what all of us would agree has been an era of
mistrust, and let it mark a new beginning for our two nations: an
era of progress toward a new world of peace and partnership.
Once again, thank you for giving me the opportunity to speak
to this institute. And let me just tell you that relations between
the United States and Soviet Union are good and are getting better.
And it is my goal as President of the United States to see that they
get even better still.
Thank you. And may God bless the people of the Soviet Union.
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 32, August 12, 1991
Title: The Moscow Summit: The Key to Soviet Prosperity
Bush
Source: President Bush
Description: Remarks at a meeting of Soviet and American businessmen
Moscow, USSR
Date: Jul 31, 19917/31/91
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Eurasia, North America
Country: USSR (former), United States
Subject: Arms Control, Democratization, Trade/Economics
[TEXT]
Good morning. May I pay my respects and thanks to our able
ambassador, Ambassador Matlock. This gives me a good opportunity
to thank him for the fantastic job he has done for the United States
of America and I think also that he's done an awful lot to further
understanding between the United States of America and the Soviet
Union.
May I say good morning to Mr. Bunich, Mr. Vladislalev, and Mr.
Tikhonov, and say that I have been looking forward to this meeting.
As Jack [Matlock] said, I was a businessman once myself. That
was first in the oil drilling equipment business and then as a
drilling contractor. The risks were high, but I enjoyed that phase of
my life. As entrepreneurs and businessmen and risk takers, you
really do hold the key to the future prosperity of the Soviet Union.
You possess the power to create a better life for yourselves and
your countrymen.
There's an old Russian proverb. ''The one who leads makes a
bridge for the others.'' Businessmen such as yourselves are building
that bridge to a new and prosperous Soviet Union.
All around the world we see that a free society rests upon the
twin pillars of political and economic liberty, for only when free
markets and free people work together can we build a better life for
all people. You understand that opportunity arises when people act
freely, relying on their own talents. Call it what you want--
ingenuity, resourcefulness, a "can do'' attitude. But it all comes
down to this: People must be free to work, [to] save, to own their
own homes, to take risks, to invest in each other. In essence, to
control their own lives.
There is no conclave of government experts, no matter how
brilliant, can match the sheer ingenuity of a market that collects
and distributes the wisdom of millions of people, all pursuing their
destinies in different ways.
Government does have legitimate responsibilities, such as
enforcing contracts and protecting private property rights,
providing the boundaries of acceptable business behavior.
Government must establish rules of fair play--what we call a "level
playing field," that builds trust and stability. Once established in
the Soviet Union, the rule of law will further attract foreign know-
how and investment. There is no question about that.
The United States stands ready to help. We're going beyond
loans and subsidies; we're offering our best expertise. We endorsed
last year's Soviet observership in the GATT [General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade] to help establish normal relations with the
trading nations of the world and to accelerate market reforms and
your integration into the global economy. At the recently concluded
G-7 meeting in London, special association for the Soviet Union in
the IMF--International Monetary Fund--and the World Bank was
proposed.
When I return to Washington, I will [be] submitting the US-
Soviet trade agreement to Congress for approval, which will
generate trade between our countries. We will also seek most-
favored-nation status for the Soviet Union, and I'll ask that certain
restrictions--technically known as the Stevenson and Byrd
amendments--be lifted, so that American businesses can better
compete for export sales here.
We're also negotiating bilateral tax and investment treaties,
and I'd like to see them completed by year's end. They will create a
better investment climate between us; help expand our economic
partnership as much as possible. In sum, we want to do everything
to ensure that our economic relationship expands as quickly as your
reforms permit. Freedom brings the opportunity to succeed, and,
yes, the risk of failure.
The government can act as a referee, perhaps, but it cannot
guarantee success. Free markets are based on the impulsive energy
of man's imagination and creativity, and, of course, there are risks.
I know that from first-hand experience years ago. But there are
also rewards for success. Who would have predicted that 15 years
ago a group of college students--university students in the United
States--working in a garage would redefine the computer industry
in America? Or that a trash collector--a garbage collector--from
Philadelphia 30 years ago would today be the head of a $6 billion
waste management firm in the United States.
When opportunity is at work, you can be a mechanic or a
millionaire--and in my country, some mechanics are millionaires.
Pursuing one's destiny means building a better life. Russian values
and traditions are compatible with free enterprise, and they should
be preserved. Look at the members of the G-7, Western European
nations. Each an industrialized democracy, each with its own
values and traditions. The culture and climate of American
business may be different than other places, but the power of the
idea is universal. It's been applied in thousands of ways by millions
of people all over the world.
Those who succeed here should not be insulted and labeled as
speculators and exploiters, because they're not. They are the people
who will fill the shelves in your stores, put your people to work.
We understand now why socialism's attempt to create the new
Soviet man simply didn't work, because human nature cannot be
destroyed and created anew. We seek instead to build upon the
strengths of human nature, to allow men and women to control their
own destinies in whatever way works best for them.
This notion of free markets and free people--opportunity for
all--this joint venture between political and economic liberty--
this is the spirit of democratic capitalism. Everywhere we hear the
voices of men and women yearning for freedom, for the chance to
control their own destiny, for a stronger link between effort and
reward. Some call it the American dream, but it's more than that--
it's a universal dream. And it's a dream that the Soviet people are
now striving to make real for themselves.
After talks here, I believe the leaders are grasping this
concept. Each of you can bring that dream alive. The creation of
small and medium-sized businesses means meeting payrolls, hiring
good men and women, producing goods and services that are most
needed by consumers, and improving technologies and methods so as
to stay competitive.
Free market principles don't just mean that one or two people
go out and get rich quick. It is so much more than that. As our
president Woodrow Wilson said, every great man of business has got
somewhere a touch of the idealist in him. For you and your
employees, it means the dignity and self respect that come with a
job. It means making a difference in your community. And, as more
and more businesses evolve--business opportunities evolve--it
means bringing back hope to the people of the Soviet Union.
Your task will be difficult, but let me risk some advice. The
story goes that a young man became the manager of a company. His
predecessor handed him three envelopes and said that if he was ever
in trouble, to open the envelopes. So one day when the business was
not going well, the man decided it was time to open up envelope
number one. The message inside said, ''Blame your predecessor.'' So
he did, and things improved for a while, but then they got worse
again. So he decided to open up envelope number two. It read,
"Blame the accounting department.'' So he did that. But sales
continued to go downhill, and, finally, with much hesitation, he
opened up envelope number three. It said, "Prepare three envelopes.''
The moral of that story, I think, is that there are no right or
wrong answers. I can't--wouldn't be bold enough to--try to tell you
in three envelopes how to transform this economy from "command
and control" to "buy and sell." You must find what works best for
each of you and for your customers. You must make the dreams of
your own people in whatever way you can come alive for them. You
must define your own brand of democratic capitalism, one that is
consistent with Russian cultures and values.
Remember the words of Tolstoy: "The strongest of all
warriors are these two--time and patience.'' Bringing free markets
to life will, of course, take time and patience. But it can be done,
because everyone in this room today possesses something that
simply cannot be bought or sold. You possess the power of an idea.
I salute you as pioneers for your vision and for your drive.
It's been a great pleasure for me to meet with this very
special group today, and I wish you well in the tasks that lie ahead,
and may God bless you, and thank you very much.
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 32, August 12, 1991
Title: The Moscow Summit: START Treaty Signed
Bush
Source: President Bush
Description: President Bush's remarks at the START Treaty signing,
The Kremlin, Moscow, USSR
Date: Jul 31, 19917/31/91
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Eurasia, North America
Country: USSR (former), United States
Subject: Arms Control, Democratization, Trade/Economics
[TEXT]
To President Gorbachev and members of the Soviet Government and
all the honored guests here, may I salute you.
The treaty that we sign today is a most complicated one--the
most complicated of contracts governing the most serious of
concerns. Its 700 pages stand as a monument to several
generations of US and Soviet negotiators, to their tireless efforts
to carve out common ground from a thicket of contentious issues,
and it represents a major step forward for our mutual security and
the cause of world peace.
And may I, too, thank everybody who worked on this treaty--
the military, State Department arms control negotiators--really on
both sides. And I would like to say that many are here today; some,
like my predecessor President Reagan, [are] not here. But I think all
of us recognize that there are many who are not in this room that
deserve an awful lot of credit on both the Soviet side and the United
States side.
The START Treaty vindicates an approach to arms control that
guided us for almost a decade: the belief that we could do more
than merely halt the growth of our nuclear arsenals. We could seek
more than limits on the number of arms. In our talks, we sought
stabilizing reductions in our strategic arsenals.
START makes that a reality. In a historic first for arms
control, we will actually reduce US and Soviet strategic nuclear
arsenals. But reductions alone are not enough. So START requires
even deeper cuts of the most dangerous and destabilizing weapons.
The agreement itself is exceedingly complex, but the central
idea at the heart of this treaty can be put simply: Stabilizing
reductions in our strategic nuclear forces reduce the risk of war.
But these promises to reduce arms levels cannot
automatically guarantee success. Just as important are the treaty's
monitoring mechanisms so we know that the commitments made are
being translated into real security. In this area, START builds on
the experience of earlier agreements but goes far beyond them in
provisions to ensure that we can verify this treaty effectively.
Mr. President, in the warming relations between our nations,
this treaty stands as both cause and consequence. Many times
during the START talks, reaching agreement seemed all but
impossible. In the end, the progress that we made in the past year's
time--progress in easing tensions and ending the Cold War--
changed the atmosphere at the negotiating table and paved the way
for START's success.
Neither side won unilateral advantage over the other. Both
sides committed themselves instead to achieving a strong,
effective treaty and securing the mutual stability that a good
agreement would provide.
Mr. President, by reducing arms, we reverse a half-century of
steadily growing strategic arsenals. But more than that, we take a
significant step forward in dispelling a half-century of mistrust.
By building trust, we pave a path to peace.
We sign the START Treaty as testament to the new
relationship emerging between our two countries in the promise of
further progress toward lasting peace.
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 32, August 12, 1991
Title: The Moscow Summit: The US Commitment to Reform
Bush
Source: President Bush
Description: Remarks to the Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian Soviet
Socialist Republic, Kiev, Ukraine, USSR
Date: Aug 1, 19918/1/91
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Eurasia, North America
Country: USSR (former), United States
Subject: Arms Control, Democratization, Trade/Economics
[TEXT]
Well, first [let me] thank all of you for that warm welcome, and may
I take this opportunity to thank all people of Ukraine that gave us
such a warm welcome, such a heartfelt greeting. Every American in
that long motorcade, and believe me it was long, was moved and
touched by the warmth of the welcome of the people of Ukraine.
We'll never forget it.
Chairman Kravchuk, thank you, sir. And to the deputies of the
Soviet Supreme Soviet, may I salute you. Members of the clergy
that are here, members of the diplomatic corps, representatives of
American pharmaceutical and health care corporations who I
understand are with us today, and distinguished guests all, Barbara
and I are delighted to be here--very, very happy.
We have only one regret, and that is that I've got to get home
on Thursday night. I can still make it. The reason is our Congress
goes out tomorrow, finishes the session they're in now, and I felt it
was important to be there on that last day of the final session.
This beautiful city brings to mind the words of the poet
Alexander Dovzhenko: "The city of Kiev is an orchard. Kiev is a
poet. Kiev is an epic. Kiev is history. Kiev is art."
Centuries ago, your forebears named this country Ukraine or
"frontier" because your steppes link Europe and Asia. But Ukrainians
have become frontiersmen of another sort. Today you explore the
frontiers and contours of liberty.
Though my stay here is, as I said, far too short, I have come
here to talk with you and to learn. For those who love freedom,
every experiment in building an open society offers new lessons and
insights.
You face an especially daunting task. For years people in this
nation felt powerless, overshadowed by a vast government
apparatus, cramped by forces that attempted to control every
aspect of their lives.
Today your people probe the promise of freedom. In cities and
republics, on farms, in businesses, around university campuses, you
debate the fundamental question of liberty, self-rule, and free
enterprise.
Americans, you see, have a deep commitment to these values.
We follow your progress with a sense of fascination, excitement,
and hope.
This alone is historic. In the past, our nations engaged in
duels of eloquent bluff and bravado. Now the fireworks of
superpower confrontation are giving way to the quieter and far
more hopeful arts of cooperation.
I come here to tell you we support the struggle in this great
country for democracy and economic reform. And I would like to
talk to you today about how the United States views this complex
and exciting period in your history, how we intend to relate to the
central Soviet Government and the republican governments.
In Moscow, I outlined our approach. We will support those in
the center and the republics who pursue freedom, democracy, and
economic liberty. We will determine our support not on the basis of
personalities but on the basis of principles. We cannot tell you how
to reform your society. We will not try to pick winners and losers in
political competition between republics or between republics and
the center. That is your business. That's not the business of the
United States of America.
Do not doubt our real commitment, however, to reform. But do
not think we can presume to solve your problems for you. Theodore
Roosevelt, one of our great presidents, once wrote, "To be
patronized is as offensive as to be insulted. No one of us cares
permanently to have someone else conscientiously striving to do
him good. What we want is to work with that someone else for the
good of both of us." That's what our former president said.
We will work for the good of both of us, which means that we
will not meddle in your internal affairs.
Some people have urged the United States to choose between
supporting President Gorbachev and supporting independence-
minded leaders throughout the USSR. I consider this a false choice.
In fairness, President Gorbachev has achieved astonishing things,
and his policies of glasnost, perestroika, and democratization point
toward the goals of freedom, democracy, and economic liberty.
We will maintain the strongest possible relationship with the
Soviet Government of President Gorbachev, but we also appreciate
the new realities of life in the USSR and, therefore, as a federation
ourselves, we want good relations, improved relations with the
republics.
So let me build upon my comments in Moscow by describing in
more detail what Americans mean when we talk about freedom,
democracy, and economic liberty.
No terms have been abused more regularly nor more cynically
than these. Throughout this century, despots have masqueraded as
democrats. Jailers have posed as liberators. We can restore faith in
government only by restoring meaning to these concepts.
I don't want to sound like I'm lecturing, but let's begin with
the broad term "freedom." When Americans talk of freedom, we
refer to people's ability to live without fear of government
intrusion, without fear of harassment by their fellow citizens,
without restricting others' freedoms.
We do not consider freedom a privilege to be doled out only to
those who hold proper political views or belong to certain groups.
We consider it an inalienable individual right bestowed upon all men
and women. Lord Acton once observed, "The most certain test by
which we judge whether a country is really free is the amount of
security enjoyed by minorities."
Freedom requires tolerance, a concept imbedded in openness,
in glasnost, and in our First Amendment protections for the
freedoms of speech, association, and religion, all religions.
Tolerance nourishes hope. A priest wrote of glasnost: "Today
more than ever, the words of Paul the apostle spoken 2,000 years
ago ring out: 'They counted us among the dead but look, we are
alive.' " In Ukraine, in Russia, in Armenia and the Baltics, the spirit
of liberty thrives.
But freedom cannot survive if we let despots flourish or
permit seemingly minor restrictions to multiply until they form
chains, until they form shackles. Later today I'll visit the
monument at Babi Yar, a somber reminder, a solemn reminder of
what happens when people fail to hold back the horrible tide of
intolerance and tyranny.
Yet freedom is not the same as independence. Americans will
not support those who seek independence in order to replace a far-
off tyranny with a local despotism. They will not aid those who
promote a suicidal nationalism based upon ethnic hatred.
We will support those who want to build democracy. By
democracy we mean a system of government in which people may
vie openly for the hearts and, yes, the votes of the public. We mean
a system of government that derives its just power from the
consent of the governed, that retains its legitimacy by controlling
its appetite for power. For years you had elections with ballots but
you did not enjoy democracy. And now democracy has begun to set
firm roots in Soviet soil.
The key to its success lies in understanding government's
proper role and its limits. Democracy is not a technical process
driven by dry statistics. It is the very human enterprise of
preserving freedom so that we can do the important things, the
really important things--raise families, explore our own creativity,
build good and fruitful lives. In modern societies, freedom and
democracy rely on economic liberty. A free economy is nothing
more than a system of communication. It simply cannot function
without individual rights or a profit motive, which give people an
incentive to go to work, an incentive to produce.
And it certainly cannot function without the rule of law,
without fair and enforceable contracts, without laws that protect
property rights and punish fraud.
Free economies depend upon the freedom of expression, the
ability of people to exchange ideas and test out new theories. The
Soviet Union weakened itself for years by restricting the flow of
information, by outlawing devices crucial to modern
communication, such as computers and copying machines. And when
you restricted free movement, even tourist travel, you prevented
your own people from making the most of their talent. You cannot
innovate if you cannot communicate.
And, finally, a free economy demands engagement in the
economic mainstream. Adam Smith noted two centuries ago, "Trade
enriches all who engage in it. Isolation and protectionism doom its
practitioners to degradation and want."
I note this today because some Soviet cities, regions, and even
republics have engaged in ruinous trade wars. The republics of this
nation have extensive bonds of trade which no one can repeal with
the stroke of a pen or the passage of a law. The vast majority of
trade conducted by Soviets companies, imports and exports,
involves, as you know better than I, trade between republics.
The Nine-Plus-One agreement holds forth the hope that
republics will combine greater autonomy with greater voluntary
interaction--political, social, cultural, economic--rather than
pursuing the hopeless course of isolation.
And so American investors and businessmen look forward to
doing business in the Soviet Union, including the Ukraine. We've
signed agreements this week that will encourage further
interaction between the US and all levels of the Soviet Union. But,
ultimately, our trade relations will depend upon our ability to
develop a common language, a common language of commerce--
currencies that communicate with one another, laws that protect
innovators and entrepreneurs, bonds of understanding and trust.
It should be obvious that the ties between our nations grow
stronger every single day. I set forth a presidential initiative that
is providing badly needed medical aid to the Soviet Union, and this
aid expresses American solidarity with the Soviet peoples during a
time of hardship and suffering. And it has supplied facilities in Kiev
that are treating victims of Chernobyl. You should know that
America's heart, the hearts of all, went out to the people here at
the time of Chernobyl.
We have sent teams to help you improve upon the safety of
Ukrainian nuclear plants and coal mines. We've also increased the
number of cultural exchanges with the republics, including more
extensive legal, academic, and cultural exchanges between America
and Ukraine.
We understand that you cannot reform your system overnight.
America's first system of government, the Continental Congress,
failed because the states were too suspicious of one another and
the central government too weak to protect commerce and
individual rights. In 200 years we have learned that freedom,
democracy, and economic liberty are more than terms of inspiration.
They're more than words. They are challenges.
Your great poet Shevchenko noted, "Only in your own house can
you have your truth, your strength and freedom." No society ever
achieves perfect democracy, liberty, or enterprise. If it makes full
use of its peoples' virtues and abilities, it can use these goals as
guides to a better life.
And now, as Soviet citizens try to forge a new social compact,
you have the obligation to restore power to citizens demoralized by
decades of totalitarian rule. You have to give them hope and
inspiration, determination, by showing your faith in their abilities.
Societies that don't trust themselves or their people cannot provide
freedom. They can guarantee only the bleak tyranny of suspicion,
avarice, and poverty.
An old Ukrainian proverb says, "When you enter a great
enterprise, free your soul from weakness."
The peoples of the USSR have entered a great enterprise, full
of courage and vigor. I've come here today to say we support those
who explore the frontiers of freedom. We will join these reformers
on the path to what we call, appropriately call, a new world order.
You're the leaders. You are the participants in the political
process. And I go home to an active political process. So if you saw
me waving like mad from my limousine, it was in the thought that
maybe some of those people along the line were people from
Philadelphia or Pittsburgh or Detroit, where so many Ukrainian
Americans live, where so many Ukrainian Americans are with me in
the remarks I've made here today.
This has been a great experience for Barbara and me to be
here. We salute you. We salute the changes that we see. I
remember the French expression, vive la difference, and I see
different churnings around this chamber, and that's exactly the way
it ought to be. One guy wants this and another one that. That's the
way the process works when you're open and free, competing with
ideas to see who's going to emerge correct and who can do the most
for the people in Ukraine.
And so for us, this has been a wonderful trip, albeit far too
short. And may I simply say may God bless the people of Ukraine.
Thank you very, very much. (###)
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 32, August 12, 1991
Title: The Moscow Summit: US-Soviet Joint Statement On the
Middle East
Description: Text of a joint statement released by the White House
Date: Jul 31, 19917/31/91
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Eurasia, North America
Country: Uganda, United States
Subject: Mideast Peace Process
[TEXT]
President Bush and President Gorbachev reaffirmed their strong
mutual commitment to promote peace and genuine reconciliation
among the Arab States, Israel, and the Palestinians. They believe
there is an historic opportunity now to launch a process that can
lead to a just and enduring peace and to a comprehensive settlement
in the Middle East. They share the strong conviction that this
historic opportunity must not be lost.
While recognizing that peace cannot be imposed and that it
can only result from direct negotiations between the parties, the
United States and the Soviet Union pledge to do their utmost to
promote and sustain the peace-making process. To that end, the
United States and the Soviet Union, acting as co-sponsors, will
work to convene in October a peace conference designed to launch
bilateral and multilateral negotiations. Invitations to the
conference will be issued at least ten days prior to the date the
conference is to convene. In the interim, Secretary Baker and
Minister Bessmertnykh will continue to work with the parties to
prepare for the conference. (###)
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 32, August 12, 1991
Title: US-Soviet Cooperation In Central America
Description: Text of a joint statement released by the White House,
Washington, DC
Date: Aug 1, 19918/1/91
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Eurasia, North America
Country: Uganda, United States
Subject: Mideast Peace Process
[TEXT]
Foreign Minister Aleksandr A. Bessmertnykh and Secretary of State
James A. Baker, III noted the positive trends in Central America to
settle regional disputes at the negotiating table and ease tensions
through national reconciliation. In this context, the Ministers
welcomed the resolution of the conflict in Nicaragua, the important
agreements reached in April between the Government of El Salvador
and the FMLN [Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front], and the
beginning of a dialogue between the Government of Guatemala and
the URNG [Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity].
They noted that Soviet-US cooperation in Central America and
adjacent areas has contributed to stability in Latin America. The
two sides agreed that additional joint steps should be taken to
promote the full agenda of the Esquipulas agreements including
democratization, a cease-fire and settlement of existing conflicts,
national reconciliation, economic developments, and regional
disarmament.
The Ministers called on the United Nations and other
international organizations, as well as countries outside the region,
including Cuba, to intensify their efforts to resolve the remaining
political issues, secure a cease-fire and final peace settlement in
El Salvador. They voiced their strong support for the efforts of the
Secretary General of the United Nations to help negotiate an end to
the conflict in El Salvador and urged the Secretary General to
involve himself directly in the negotiations to help contribute
toward a final settlement. They also voiced their strong support
for active involvement by the Friends of the Secretary General--
Colombia, Mexico, Venezuela, and Spain--in the peace process. As
members of the Security Council, they offered to play a
constructive, active role in support of the negotiations and
implementing the final settlement.
The Soviet Union and the United States are convinced that an
end to the conflict in El Salvador will contribute to economic
development in Central America and help remove the remaining
sources of tension in the Caribbean Basin region, thereby
contributing to the further peaceful integration of Latin America.
(###)
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 32, August 12, 1991
Title: US-Soviet Relations
Date: Aug 12, 19918/12/91
Category: Policy Briefs (Gist)
Region: Eurasia, North America
Country: USSR (former), United States
Subject: Arms Control, Human Rights, Democratization
[TEXT]
Background
Since the 1917 Russian Revolution, US-Soviet relations have
evolved through several phases, including a period of minimal
contact, a war-time alliance, an intense Cold War, hopes for
detente, and disappointment when the competitive aspects of the
relationship proved dominant. During most of this period, the
Soviet Union's approach to the world--its Marxist-Leninist
ideology, vast military buildup, and pattern of aggression abroad
and repression at home--made the US-Soviet relationship
essentially an adversarial one.
Relations with the Soviet Union have improved considerably
since 1985, when Mikhail Gorbachev began changing the Soviet
Government's policies and practices. Moscow has permitted greater
freedom at home in the context of perestroika (restructuring) and
glasnost (openness) and shown greater restraint and a less
threatening military posture abroad. Should reform continue, the
basic nature of the US-Soviet relationship could be changed
profoundly. A key US goal is to help Soviet restructuring become
permanent.
US Policy
In a fluid situation, the United States must be prudent but willing
to engage the Soviets. The US approach to the Soviet Union is based
on realism about the nature of the USSR and the differences of
history, geography, ideology, and national experience that set the
two countries apart and guarantee that some aspects of their
relationship will remain competitive. The United States must
maintain its ability to protect US security and that of its allies and
friends with the necessary military, economic, technological, and
political strength to counter the use or threat of the use of force.
At the same time, in a broad and constructive dialogue with the
Soviet Union, the United States seeks new opportunities for a more
stable and more cooperative relationship. The United States wants
perestroika to succeed because it thinks that it will bring about a
Soviet Union more interested in satisfying the needs of its people
and less interested in aggressive behavior abroad.
Five-Part Agenda
The US approach toward the Soviet Union has taken into account
what went wrong with the detente of the 1970s. The United States
has moved beyond a relationship based largely on arms control to
include all the significant issues causing suspicion and distrust. A
comprehensive, five-part agenda is grounded on the basis of long-
term US and Western objectives. It includes:
-- Dealing with Western security relations through a
coherent strategy of arms control and defense programs. The US
Government engages in bilateral and multilateral arms control
negotiations on a range of issues in the nuclear and space talks
(which include Strategic Arms Reduction Talks and the defense and
space talks), the Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) Treaty,
the Conference on Disarmament, and in bilateral consultations on
chemical weapons and missile technology proliferation. The United
States seeks verifiable arms control agreements that enhance US
security, reduce the risk of war, strengthen stability, and lower the
levels of arms and armed forces. Signicant arms control progress
was made in 1990, including the signing of the CFE Treaty, at the
November summit of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in
Europe (CSCE).
-- Dealing with regional conflicts that contain the seeds of
direct confrontation and that, for many years, have been a source of
US-Soviet tension. The United States and the Soviet Union agree in
principle that regional conflicts require political and diplomatic
solutions, and, despite differences, continue to discuss how to
translate this common goal into practice in some difficult
situations. In particular, US-Soviet consultation in the face of
Iraqi aggression in Kuwait led to unprecedented cooperation.
-- Addressing human rights, where the Soviet Union's
behavior has been at the heart of much distrust. Dialogue has
broadened to discussion of new issues such as the "rule of law." At
the same time, the United States will continue to press on
unresolved emigration and political prisoner cases.
-- Expanding the bilateral relationship between the United
States and the Soviet Union, including increased cultural and
scientific exchange programs, tourism, and commercial ties.
Hundreds of exchanges are taking place at the official level as well
as between private citizens. In June 1990, the United States signed
agreements on commercial relations, civil aviation, and maritime
transportation in order to promote the expansion of mutually
beneficial non-strategic trade with the Soviet Union. The United
States also is negotiating investment and tax treaties with the
Soviets.
-- Broadening dialogue into a new area of global or
transnational issues. Opportunity exists for cooperation on a range
of mutual concerns, including the environment, natural hazards
prediction and damage mitigation, control of illegal narcotics, and
international terrorism.
High-Level Dialogue
The United States and the Soviet Union have an active high-level
dialogue. Presidents Bush and Gorbachev held discussions in Malta
in December 1989 which helped lay the groundwork for the US-
Soviet summit in Washington, DC, May 30-June 3, 1990. President
Bush's conversations with President Gorbachev were marked by a
spirit of candor and openness and a desire to build bridges toward
an era of enduring cooperation. They signed a chemical weapons
agreement, nuclear testing protocols, and a commercial agreement.
They also renewed their commitment to early conclusion of the
negotiations on strategic nuclear forces and conventional forces in
Europe. In September, Presidents Bush and Gorbachev met in
Helsinki to discuss the Persian Gulf crisis and other urgent matters.
They continued their dialogue in meetings during the Paris CSCE
summit in November. These and other continuing meetings between
Secretary Baker and his Soviet counterpart reflect a new ability to
work constructively on a broader range of issues.
As Secretary Baker has said: "Our search for points of mutual
advantage has been productive. And the search must continue--in
new, more ambitious ways. We now need to pursue our hopes for the
post-Cold War future." The United States can begin to envision and
even plan for a new relationship that clearly goes beyond the
containment policies of the past.(###)
1991 Moscow Summit
President Bush's July 29-August 1 visit to the USSR for the first
post-Cold War summit symbolized the start of a new stage in the
US-Soviet relationship. Presidents Bush and Gorbachev signed the
Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty and issued joint statements on
Yugoslavia and the Middle East. The bilateral focus of the summit
was primarily economic, and the President expressed his full
support for the USSR's integration into the world economy as the
Soviet Union moves from a command to a market economy.
President Bush announced he would ask Congress to approve the
trade agreement signed at the 1990 summit, grant most-favored-
nation status, and seek the repeal of the legislative restrictions
that inhibit US-Soviet trade. (###)
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 32, August 12, 1991
Title: US-Soviet Economic Policy
Date: Aug 12, 19918/12/91
Category: Policy Briefs (Gist)
Region: Eurasia, North America
Country: USSR (former), United States
Subject: Trade/Economics
[TEXT]
Changes in the Soviet Union resulting from political and economic
reform are helping to improve economic relations between the
United States and the Soviet Union. After 6 years, President
Gorbachev's reform process, known as perestroika, has resulted in
many political changes. Reforming the economy, however, has
proved more difficult. Since last April, Gorbachev and the leaders
of the majority of Soviet republics have been negotiating an
economic plan that would transfer significant powers to the
republics. Although its goal is to achieve transition to a market
economy, it relies heavily on administrative means to run the
economy and carry out reform. The internal Soviet debate on
reform, however, continues.
At Malta in December 1989, President Bush outlined for
President Gorbachev a program of technical economic cooperation to
advance the process of market-oriented economic reform in the
Soviet Union. At the Washington summit in June 1990, the two
presidents signed a new trade agreement. Last December, President
Bush waived the Jackson-Vanik amendment to the 1974 Trade Act
for the Soviet Union, making the Soviet Union eligible for
Commodity Credit Corporation and limited Export-Import Bank
export credit guarantees. The President is now reviewing the
Soviet emigration legislation passed in May. If it meets his
criteria, he will submit the trade agreement to Congress for
approval, paving the way for extension of most-favored-nation
trade status to the Soviet Union.
Bilateral trade with the Soviet Union has doubled since 1986,
but it accounted for less than 1% of total US trade in 1990. Factors
tending to limit trade include the centrally planned nature of the
Soviet economic system, an inconvertible ruble, the uncompetitiveness
of Soviet finished goods, a rigid centralized trading system, and the
inability to purchase industrial inputs within the Soviet Union because
resources are allocated rather than sold. Emphasis is being placed on
expanding trade and investment opportunities that will build upon improved
relations.
US Trade Policy
As Secretary Baker has said, "Mutually beneficial, non-strategic
commercial exchanges are the best way to expand Soviet
participation in the international economy." Toward that end, the
United States signed a civil aviation agreement and a maritime
transportation agreement with the Soviet Union at the June 1990
summit. The United States has negotiated a long-term grains
agreement and is continuing negotiations on bilateral investment
and tax treaties.
The Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Controls
(COCOM), the Western security organization charged with
safeguarding strategic technology through the use of controls on the
export of strategic Western goods and services to the Soviet Union
and other countries, accepted a comprehensive proposal by
President Bush for modernization. COCOM's new international
industrial list restricts trade only in those items that are the most
sensitive in terms of US security.
COCOM's comprehensive trade liberalization measures will
make available to the Soviet Union many of the previously
controlled items in areas such as computers, telecommunications,
and machine tools. COCOM members also affirmed their belief that
COCOM remains an essential element of Western security.
The United States favors the integration of the Soviet Union
into the global economy. The United States supported the Soviet
Union's application for observer status in the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade (GATT), which was granted last May. The United
States also has encouraged the Soviets to develop contacts with the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, and the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD).
Economic Cooperation
The United States wants Soviet economic reform and restructuring
to succeed. Such efforts would create a more open society, transfer
resources to non-military purposes, and promote Soviet integration
into the world economic system. At the December 1989 summit
meeting in Malta, the President proposed to the Soviets several
initiatives in the area of technical economic cooperation. During
his meeting with former Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze in
Paris last July, Secretary Baker proposed expanded technical
cooperation and gave him a list of additional projects for
consideration. These are designed to help the Soviets identify the
issues involved in adopting market-oriented economic policies and
devise and implement a strategy of meaningful economic reform.
Projects and contacts in this technical cooperation effort
already are underway, focused on small business development,
formation of financial markets, banking reform, tax administration,
anti-trust policy, statistical cooperation, and development of a
private housing market. Most recently, the US Government proposed
cooperation in energy and food distribution.
At the Houston economic summit meeting in July 1990, the
United States supported the decision of its G-7 partners to ask the
IMF, the World Bank, the OECD, and the designated president of the
European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, in consultation
with the European Community, to study the Soviet economy, make
recommendations for its reform, and establish criteria for Western
assistance that would support these reforms. This study,
completed in December 1990, recommended fundamental market
reform, coupled with technical assistance from the West.
A joint US-Soviet Commercial Commission plays an important
role in promoting bilateral trade. The private US-USSR Trade and
Economic Council meets annually to promote trade and investment
between the two countries. More than 100 US companies are
registered to undertake joint ventures in the Soviet Union. (###)
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 32, August 12, 1991
Title: Chronology: Highlights in US-Soviet Relations,
1989-July 1991
Date: Aug 12, 19918/12/91
Category: Chronologies
Region: Eurasia, North America
Country: USSR (former), United States
Subject: State Department, Democratization,
Arms Control, History
[TEXT]
The following was prepared by W. Taylor Fain, III, of the Office of
the Historian, Bureau of Public Affairs, US Department of State.
March 7, 1989: Secretary of State James A. Baker, III, and Soviet
Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze, meeting in Vienna, discussed
human rights, arms control, and regional conflicts. Secretary Baker
expressed hope for the success of Soviet economic reform.
May 10-11, 1989: During Secretary Baker's visit to Moscow, US and
Soviet officials discussed regional problems (Central America,
Afghanistan, and the Middle East), human rights, bilateral matters,
and transnational questions. They agreed on dates for resuming
bilateral arms talks.
May 12, 1989: President Bush, in a public address, reaffirmed the US
desire for Soviet economic reform to succeed and stated that the
United States sought the integration of the Soviet Union into the
community of nations. He proposed regular surveillance flights over
NATO and Warsaw Pact territories (Open Skies) and offered
improved trade relations if the Soviet Union relaxed its emigration
laws.
May 29, 1989: During a NATO summit meeting in Brussels, President
Bush offered initiatives on conventional forces in Europe. He called
for completion of an agreement on Conventional Forces in Europe
(CFE) within a year.
June 12, 1989: The United States and the Soviet Union signed an
agreement in Moscow designed to prevent dangerous military
activities.
September 21-23, 1989: Secretary Baker and Foreign Minister
Shevardnadze met in Wyoming. They released a detailed joint
statement covering the full US-Soviet agenda and signed several
agreements on arms control verification and notification
procedures. They signed several bilateral agreements concerning
land and sea passage between the United States and Soviet Union.
December 2-3, 1989: During a shipboard summit meeting near
Valletta, Malta, President Bush and Chairman Mikhail Gorbachev set
a series of priorities to guide US-Soviet relations and preparations
for the next summit. They agreed to seek an accelerated conclusion
to nuclear and conventional arms agreements and discussed
economic and commercial relations and regional conflicts.
President Bush offered ideas for technical cooperation and proposed
negotiating a trade agreement that would lift the Jackson-Vanik
restriction on most-favored-nation status for the Soviet Union,
provided the Soviet Government enacted a new law on emigration.
They announced that a full summit would take place in the United
States in June 1990.
January 31, 1990: In his State of the Union Address, President Bush
proposed cutting US and Soviet troops in Central Europe to 195,000
on each side. The United States would be able to maintain an
additional 30,000 in peripheral nations. The Soviet Foreign Ministry
called the initiative "a step in the right direction."
February 7-10, 1990: Secretary Baker met with Foreign Minister
Shevardnadze and President Gorbachev in Moscow. They discussed a
range of arms control questions, making progress on conventional,
nuclear, and chemical agreements. Soviet emigration policy, German
unification, and regional issues were discussed. On February 10,
Secretary Baker testified before the Foreign Affairs Committee of
the Supreme Soviet.
February 13, 1990: In Ottawa, the four major World War II Allies
(US, UK, France, and USSR) plus the two Germanies agreed on a
framework for negotiating the unification of Germany ("Two-Plus-
Four"). The Soviet Union and other CFE participants accepted
President Bush's January 31 proposal for troop reductions in Europe.
March 20, 1990: Secretary Baker and Foreign Minister Shevardnadze
met during independence ceremonies in Windhoek, Namibia. They
discussed Lithuania, German unification, arms control, and
Afghanistan.
April 4-6, 1990: Foreign Minister Shevardnadze met with Secretary
Baker and President Bush in Washington. A US-Soviet summit to be
held in Washington from May 30-June 3 was announced. The sides
had difficult exchanges on strategic arms control issues, with the
Soviets raising issues the US believed were settled. The full US-
Soviet agenda and regional issues were discussed.
May 16-19, 1990: Secretary Baker met in Moscow with Foreign
Minister Shevardnadze and President Gorbachev to finalize
preparations for the Washington summit. The ministers resolved
differences on chemical and strategic weapons. Secretary Baker
reiterated US policies favoring liberalized Soviet emigration,
restraint and dialogue in Lithuania, and a unified Germany within
NATO.
May 30-June 3, 1990: Presidents Bush and Gorbachev met in
Washington and Camp David. They signed a key elements agreement
for a strategic arms treaty, a chemical weapons reduction accord,
and a trade agreement reducing barriers to US-Soviet commerce.
Several other bilateral accords increasing cultural and scientific
exchanges as well as maritime and air links were concluded. A 5-
year
US-Soviet grain deal was signed. The topics of German unification
and Lithuania were discussed in depth. Following the summit,
President Gorbachev journeyed to Minneapolis to meet local
business leaders. The next day, he met former President Reagan in
San Francisco before returning to Moscow.
June 5, 1990: Secretary Baker and Foreign Minister Shevardnadze
met in Copenhagen during the CSCE [Conference on Security] Foreign
Ministers' conference. They discussed German unification, European
security, and arms control issues.
June 22, 1990: Secretary Baker and Foreign Minister Shevardnadze
met in East Berlin during a session of the Two-Plus-Four talks on
German unification and discussed regional issues, particularly
Afghanistan.
August 1-2, 1990: Secretary Baker and Foreign Minister
Shevardnadze met in the Siberian city of Irkutsk, where they
discussed the full range of US-Soviet bilateral and security issues.
August 3, 1990: Secretary Baker flew to Moscow where he and
Foreign Minister Shevardnadze issued a joint statement condemning
the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on August 2. They urged a cut-off of
all arms shipments to Iraq.
September 9, 1990: Presidents Bush and Gorbachev met in Helsinki
for an urgently convened summit to discuss the Iraqi invasion of
Kuwait. They issued a joint statement expressing their solidarity
in opposition to the aggression and their intention to cooperate
fully in ending the Gulf crisis. They also urged their negotiators to
move forward more rapidly in finalizing both strategic and
conventional arms control agreements and discussed the progress of
Soviet economic reforms.
September 11, 1990: Secretary Baker and Foreign Minister
Shevardnadze met in Moscow, where they discussed CFE and the
Persian Gulf. Baker and Secretary of Commerce Robert Mosbacher
co-hosted a meeting of US business executives and Soviet officials.
September 12, 1990: Secretary Baker and Foreign Minister
Shevardnadze joined the Foreign Ministers of France, Britain, and
the two Germanies to sign the "Treaty on the Final Settlement with
Respect to Germany." The event concluded the Two-Plus-Four
process and provided for formal German reunification on October 3.
September 13, 1990: Secretary Baker met with President Gorbachev
and Foreign Minister Shevardnadze in Moscow. They discussed
remaining differences over CFE.
September 26-0ctober 5, 1990: Secretary Baker and Foreign
Minister Shevardnadze met on five separate occasions in New York
during the opening of the UN General Assembly and the CSCE
ministerial. They resolved major differences on CFE, made good
progress toward a START [Strategic Arms Reduction Talks]
agreement, and discussed the Persian Gulf crisis.
October 18, 1990: The US and Soviet Governments issued a joint
statement calling for a peaceful settlement to the civil war in El
Salvador.
November 8, 1990: Secretary Baker met with President Gorbachev
and Foreign Minister Shevardnadze in Moscow. He sought Soviet
support for a UN resolution which would authorize the use of force
by the allied coalition against Iraq in the Persian Gulf should it
prove necessary. Shevardnadze said the use of force "could not be
ruled out."
November 18, 1990: Secretary Baker and Foreign Minister
Shevardnadze met in Paris on the eve of the CSCE summit. They
discussed the situation in the Persian Gulf and the necessity of
Soviet support for a UN resolution authorizing the use of military
force against Iraq.
November 19, 1990: Presidents Bush and Gorbachev met at the Paris
CSCE summit. They signed the CFE Treaty and a non-aggression
pledge with the other leaders of the North Atlantic and Warsaw
Pact alliances. Afterward, they met privately to discuss the
Persian Gulf crisis. They "reaffirmed their unity and commitment"
to end Saddam Hussein's occupation of Kuwait.
November 20, 1990: Secretary Baker and Foreign Minister
Shevardnadze, still in Paris, continued their discussion of the
Persian Gulf crisis.
November 28, 1990: Secretary Baker and Foreign Minister
Shevardnadze met in New York to discuss the details of the
resolution to be voted on the following day concerning the possible
use of force against Saddam Hussein in the Persian Gulf.
November 29, 1990: The United States and the Soviet Union voted
together in favor of a UN resolution authorizing the use of military
force against Saddam Hussein if he had not implemented the
previous UN resolutions concerning his invasion and occupation of
Kuwait by January 15, 199.
December 9-12, 1990: Foreign Minister Shevardnadze met with
Secretary Baker and President Bush in Houston and Washington.
They announced that Presidents Bush and Gorbachev would hold a
summit in Moscow on February 11-13, 1991, and discussed the
issues of economic assistance to the Soviet Union and the START
and CFE agreements.
January 26-29, 1991: Secretary Baker and President Bush met with
new Soviet Foreign Minister Aleksandr Bessmertnykh in Washington.
They reaffirmed their commitment to the UN resolutions adopted in
connection with Iraq's aggression against Kuwait and discussed
arms control, the situation in the Baltic states, and regional issues.
They announced that because of the war in the Persian Gulf and
technical differences which remained on the START agreement, the
Moscow summit previously scheduled for February would be
postponed.
February 21, 1991: The Soviet Government announced that President
Gorbachev and Iraqi Foreign Minister Tariq Aziz had agreed on a
formula for the "full and unconditional withdrawal" of Iraqi troops
from Kuwait. President Bush welcomed the Soviet attempt to end
the Gulf war through diplomatic means but pointed out that the
Soviet proposal would not oblige Iraq to abide by the terms of all
the UN resolutions directed against its invasion of Iraq.
March 14-17, 1991: Secretary Baker, in Moscow, met with Foreign
Minister Bessmertnykh and President Gorbachev. They discussed
CFE, START, Middle East security issues, and Soviet economic and
political developments.
April 24-25, 1991: Secretary Baker and Foreign Minister
Bessmertnykh met in Kislovodsk, in the Soviet Caucasus, where they
discussed Middle East security problems, and bilateral and arms
control issues.
May 12-13, 1991: Secretary Baker and Foreign Minister
Bessmertnykh met in Cairo to discuss the Middle East peace
process. They discussed the Kurdish refugee problem in northern
Iraq, bilateral issues, including START and CFE implementation, and
regional matters.
June 1, 1991: Secretary Baker and Foreign Minister Bessmertnykh
met in Lisbon after witnessing the signing of the Angola Peace
Accords. They resolved outstanding issues which had delayed
implementation of the CFE Treaty and progress toward the
conclusion of a START agreement and issued a joint statement on
conflict resolution in Africa.
June 7, 1991: Secretary Baker and Foreign Minister Bessmertnykh
met in Geneva. They discussed remaining differences over the
terms of the proposed START agreement.
June 20, 1991: Secretary Baker and Foreign Minister Bessmertnykh
met in Berlin. They discussed remaining US-Soviet differences on
START, El Salvador, Cuba, and the possibility of a Moscow summit.
July 11-14, 1991: Secretary Baker and Foreign Minister
Bessmertnykh met in Washington. They narrowed significantly US-
Soviet differences on START. Foreign Minister Bessmertnykh
presented President Bush with a letter from President Gorbachev
outlining his planned presentation to the Western economic summit
in London on Soviet economic reform.
July 17, 1991: Presidents Bush and Gorbachev met over lunch on the
final day of the economic summit of the Group of Seven
industrialized nations. They announced the conclusion of a START
agreement and scheduled a summit in Moscow for July 30-31. They
also discussed the economic situation in the Soviet Union.
July 30-August 1, 1991: President Bush visited the Soviet Union. He
held a 2-day summit with Soviet President Gorbachev during which
the leaders signed the START Treaty and agreed to co-sponsor
efforts to convene a Middle East peace conference in October 1991.
On August 1, President Bush visited Kiev before returning to
Washington.(###)
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 32, August 12, 1991
Title: Chronology: US-Soviet Summits, 1943-1991
Date: Aug 12, 19918/12/91
Category: Chronologies
Region: Eurasia, North America
Country: USSR (former), United States
Subject: State Department, Democratization,
Military Affairs, Security Assistance and Sales,
Arms Control, History
[TEXT]
The following was prepared by W. Taylor Fain, III, of the Office of
the Historian, Bureau of Public Affairs, US Department of State.
Every President since Franklin D. Roosevelt has conferred with the
Soviet leadership, either the head of the Communist Party or head
of the government. These meetings, 24 in all, went through several
distinct phases. During World War II, Roosevelt and Truman met
with Soviet and British leaders to decide on the conduct of military
operations and to make arrangements for the peace. Three meetings
during the Eisenhower Presidency were expanded to include France,
and Eisenhower grappled unsuccessfully in the enlarged forum over
the elusive German peace settlement and the growing problem of
nuclear weapons. Kennedy and Johnson each met the Soviet
leadership during the 1960s in informal circumstances over issues
ranging from Europe to crises in the Middle and Far East. Five
Nixon-Ford meetings with Chairman Brezhnev and a subsequent
Carter-Brezhnev conference in the 1970s dealt primarily with arms
control. The agenda of President Reagan's five meetings with
General Secretary Gorbachev at Geneva, Reykjavik, Washington,
Moscow, and New York included arms reductions, human rights,
regional issues, and bilateral affairs. President Bush expanded the
agenda to include transnational issues at Malta, Washington,
Helsinki, Paris, and London.
November 28-December 1, 1943:
(Tehran: Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin)
Discussion centered on planning for the cross channel invasion
of enemy-occupied France. The three powers also agreed to try to
get Turkey to join the war and to split Finland away from the Axis
powers. Also discussed were political questions, including a future
world organization, and postwar policy toward Germany. The
leaders issued a special declaration recognizing Iran's contribution
to the war effort. Decisions on some issues, such as future Polish
boundaries, were postponed. This was the only summit held outside
Europe, the Soviet Union, or the United States.
February 4-11, 1945:
(Yalta: Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin)
The three leaders issued an invitation to the United Nations to
meet in the United States and discussed the future of Poland and
Eastern Europe, the status of postwar Germany, and the conditions
for Soviet entry into the Pacific war. In a Declaration on Liberated
Europe, the Allies pledged to assist the liberated peoples to
establish order and create representative governments through free
elections. In a secret agreement, the Soviet Union promised to
enter the Pacific war 2 to 3 months after Germany's surrender in
return for certain Far Eastern concessions. Yalta remains the most
controversial summit meeting because the Soviets later
unilaterally subverted the concept of free elections to establish
hegemony over Eastern Europe.
July 17-August 2, 1945:
(Potsdam: Truman, Churchill and Attlee, and Stalin)
The conference dealt with the military details of the Soviet
entry into the Pacific war and political questions, primarily the
occupation of Germany and the question of German reparations. The
three powers created a Council of Foreign Ministers to work on
peace treaties with the European Axis powers and their Eastern
European satellites, and reached an agreement on the resettlement
of ethnic Germans from Eastern Europe to Germany. In a declaration
issued on July 26, the United States, Great Britain, and China
demanded Japan's unconditional surrender. During the conference,
Truman learned of the successful test of the atomic bomb and
informed Stalin in general terms.
July 18-23, 1955:
(Geneva: Eisenhower, Eden, Faure, and Bulganin and Khrushchev)
At this first postwar conference, also the first to be called a
"summit", Eisenhower advanced the "Open Skies" proposal calling for
an exchange of military blueprints with the Soviet Union and aerial
reconnaissance of each other's military installations. The
participants also discussed disarmament, German reunification
through free elections, European security, and the need for greater
East-West contacts through travel and exchange of information.
September 15, 26-27, 1959:
(Washington-Camp David: Eisenhower and Khrushchev)
Following brief meetings with Eisenhower upon his arrival in
Washington on September 15, Khrushchev embarked on a 10-day trip
to New York, Los Angeles, San Francisco, farm communities in Iowa,
and Pittsburgh, arranged to acquaint him with the American way of
life. Eisenhower and Khrushchev then engaged in substantive talks
for 2 days at Camp David. They agreed to expand exchanges and to
remove the Soviet deadline for a Berlin settlement, but no progress
was made on disarmament and the reunification of Germany. They
also agreed on a four-power summit in Paris the following year.
Khrushchev also visited Eisenhower's farm at Gettysburg. Just
before he left, Khrushchev addressed the American people on
national television. This meeting constituted the first visit to the
United States of a Soviet leader since establishment of US-Soviet
relations in 1933.
May 16-17, 1960:
(Paris: Eisenhower, Macmillan, De Gaulle, and Khrushchev)
The four leaders planned to discuss Germany and Berlin,
disarmament, nuclear testing, and the general state of East-West
relations. On the second day of the conference, before any issues
could be considered, Khrushchev demanded that Eisenhower
apologize for the U-2 overflight of the Soviet Union on May 1. When
Eisenhower refused, Khrushchev seized upon the issue to leave the
conference. President de Gaulle's attempt to mediate failed.
June 3-4, 1961:
(Vienna: Kennedy and Khrushchev)
The status of Berlin was the major subject of discussion, but
the conflict in Laos and the question of disarmament were also on
the agenda. Khrushchev's truculence on Berlin surprised and sobered
Kennedy, but some progress was made when the two leaders agreed
that further discussions on Laos should be continued at the Foreign
Minister level. Kennedy replaced the highly-structured conferences
favored by Eisenhower with more informal and personalized
meetings.
June 23 and 25, 1967:
(Glassboro: Johnson and Kosygin)
The meeting at Glassboro, New Jersey, was arranged and
agreed on after considerable haggling over a suitable location. It
followed Kosygin's visit to the United Nations, where he came to
support the Arab nations' proposals for ending the Middle East
conflict that led to the June 1967 Arab-Israeli war. In addition to
the Middle East, disarmament and the Vietnam war were also
discussed. During the conference, the Soviet Union served as
intermediary in conveying North Vietnamese willingness to
negotiate in exchange for a halt to the US bombing. The US
counterproposals via Moscow were never answered.
May 22-30, 1972:
(Moscow: Nixon and Brezhnev)
This meeting had two principal and substantial
accomplishments. First, it established a personal relationship
between Nixon and Brezhnev, which facilitated the convening of
subsequent meetings between the two leaders. Second, Nixon and
Brezhnev signed the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty and the
Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT I) Interim Agreement, both
of which had been in negotiation in Helsinki and Vienna for many
months. Also concluded were agreements on public health,
environmental cooperation, incidents at sea, exchanges in science,
technology, education and culture, and a Declaration of Basic
Principles of Mutual Relations.
June 18-25, 1973:
(Washington: Nixon and Brezhnev)
Brezhnev's visit to the United States resulted in 47 hours of
meetings with Nixon in Washington, Camp David, and San Clemente.
The two leaders signed nine accords, which included an Agreement
on the Prevention of Nuclear War and an Agreement on Basic
Principles of Negotiations on the Further Limitation of Strategic
Offensive Arms. Other agreements signed at the summit dealt with
scientific cooperation, agriculture, trade, and other bilateral
issues. The joint communique expressed "deep satisfaction" with
the conclusion of the Paris Agreement on Vietnam which had been
signed the preceding January. Nixon stated at Brezhnev's departure
that the meeting "built on the strong foundation that we laid a year
ago."
June 28-July 3, 1974:
(Moscow: Nixon and Brezhnev)
Watergate and the President's imminent resignation
overshadowed the meeting with the General Secretary and limited
expectations on both sides. The two leaders discussed arms control
and several international and bilateral issues in Moscow and at
Brezhnev's villa in Oreanda on the Black Sea. They signed a protocol
limiting each side to one ABM site apiece instead of the two
allowed in the 1972 ABM Treaty, and a Threshold Test Ban Treaty,
which limited the size of underground nuclear weapons tests. The
Test Ban Treaty was never ratified by the United States, because of
concerns about its verifiability. The governments signed several
other instruments dealing with scientific cooperation, cultural
exchanges, and other bilateral matters. Nixon and Brezhnev also
agreed to explore the possibility of a 10-year time period for a
SALT treaty, which opened the way for the Vladivostok accord a few
months later. The communique re-affirmed an agreement to hold
regular meetings.
November 23-24, 1974:
(Vladivostok: Ford and Brezhnev)
At the Vladivostok meeting, which followed visits by Ford to
Japan and Korea, discussions focused on strategic arms limitations
as well as on a number of bilateral and international issues,
including the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe
(CSCE) and the Middle East. In the SALT II negotiations, Ford and
Brezhnev reached agreement in principle on some of the basic
elements that were subsequently incorporated in the 1979 treaty.
They issued a joint statement on strategic offensive arms (the
Vladivostok agreement) and a joint communique calling for
continuing efforts at arms limitation and the development of
economic cooperation.
July 30 and August 2, 1975:
(Helsinki: Ford and Brezhnev)
During two sessions at Helsinki, immediately prior to and
following the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe,
Ford and Brezhnev attempted unsuccessfully to reach further
agreement on strategic arms limitations. Differences between the
two governments over cruise missiles and the Soviet Backfire
bomber frustrated Ford's and Kissinger's desires to strengthen
cooperation between the two superpowers and to conclude a SALT II
agreement. Ford and Brezhnev held frank discussions on other
issues, including the Arab-lsraeli conflict and the relationship
between Soviet emigration policy and most-favored-nation trading
status.
June 15-18, 1979:
(Vienna: Carter and Brezhnev)
The SALT II Treaty was signed at this summit in Vienna.
Carter and Brezhnev also discussed other arms control questions
including the continuation of the SALT process, and had wide-
ranging exchanges on human rights and trade, the Middle East,
Afghanistan, Africa, China, and other regional issues. The two
leaders also issued a joint statement of principles and basic
guidelines for subsequent negotiations on the limitation of
strategic arms. The SALT II Treaty was never ratified.
November 19-21, 1985:
(Geneva: Reagan and Gorbachev)
President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev discussed a
four-part agenda: human rights, regional issues, bilateral matters,
and arms control. The President pressed for improvement in Soviet
human rights practices, removal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan,
and the resolution of regional conflicts in a number of countries
including Cambodia, Angola, Ethiopia, and Nicaragua. In the arms
control area, both leaders called for early progress on reductions in
strategic, offensive nuclear forces. They also had frank exchanges
on strategic defense issues. They agreed to study the
establishment of Nuclear Risk Reduction Centers and to accelerate
efforts to conclude an effective and verifiable treaty banning
chemical weapons. They endorsed a policy of regular exchanges
between senior US and Soviet officials. The General Secretary
accepted the President's invitation to visit the United States in
1986 and the President agreed to visit the USSR the following year.
At the end of the meeting, the United States and the Soviet Union
signed the General Agreement on Contacts, Exchanges, and
Cooperation in Scientific, Technical, Educational, Cultural, and
Other Fields, and announced that the two countries would resume
civil air service.
October 10-12, 1986:
(Reykjavik: Reagan and Gorbachev)
President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev held a
meeting in Reykjavik to discuss all four points of the US-Soviet
agenda--human rights, regional conflicts, bilateral cooperation, and
arms control--with particularly intense discussions on arms
reductions. The two leaders agreed in principle to 50% reductions in
strategic offensive arms to a level of 6,000 warheads on 1,600
delivery systems they also reached agreement on a counting rule for
strategic bombers. In addition, they agreed to seek an initial INF
[Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces] agreement for a global ceiling
of 100 warheads on longer-range INF missiles, with none in Europe,
and constraints on shorter-range INF missiles. The President and
Secretary Gorbachev agreed to expand mutually beneficial bilateral
cooperation. However, on the final day of the meeting, Gorbachev
insisted that further progress on INF and START be linked to new
and unacceptable restrictions on the US Strategic Defense Initiative
program. The President rejected such linkage, noting that the
proposed Soviet restrictions on SDI were more stringent than those
contained in the ABM Treaty and would cripple the SDI research
program.
December 7-10, 1987:
(Washington: Reagan and Gorbachev)
President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev met in
Washington to continue discussions on the four-part US-Soviet
agenda: arms reductions, human rights, bilateral issues, and
regional issues. They had full and frank discussions on human
rights issues. The US and Soviet leaders discussed increasing
bilateral exchanges, cooperation on environmental matters, and
trade expansion. They held wide-ranging talks on regional issues
including Afghanistan, the Iran-Iraq war, Central America, southern
Africa, the Middle East, and Cambodia.
The two leaders signed the "Treaty Between the United States
of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the
Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range
Missiles." They instructed their negotiators at the Geneva Nuclear
and Space Talks to intensify efforts to complete a Treaty on the
Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms to implement
the principle of a 50% reduction in these arms, which was agreed to
at the Reykjavik meeting. The leaders also instructed their
negotiators to work out a new and separate treaty on defense and
space issues that would commit the sides to observe the Anti-
Ballistic Missile Treaty, as signed in 1972, while conducting their
research, development and testing as required, which are permitted
by the ABM Treaty, and not to withdraw from the ABM Treaty for a
specified period of time.
Secretary Shultz and Soviet Foreign Minister Shevardnadze
also signed agreements to increase air service between the United
States and the Soviet Union and to extend the US-Soviet world
oceans agreement. General Secretary Gorbachev renewed his
invitation for the President to visit the Soviet Union in the first
half of 1988, and the President accepted.
May 29-June 1, 1988:
(Moscow: Reagan and Gorbachev)
President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev met in
Moscow to continue substantive discussions on the four-point US-
Soviet agenda: arms control, human rights and humanitarian
affairs, settlement of regional conflicts, and bilateral relations. A
wide-ranging discussion of regional questions
included the Middle East, the Iran-Iraq war, southern Africa, the
Horn of Africa, Central America, Cambodia, the Korean Peninsula,
Afghanistan, and other issues. The two leaders exchanged and
signed ratification documents on the Intermediate-range Nuclear
Forces Treaty, which the Supreme Soviet and the US Senate had
approved on May 23 and 27 respectively. On Nuclear and Space
Talks, understandings were reached in a number of areas, as a joint
draft text of a treaty on reduction and limitation of strategic
offensive arms was being elaborated in the Geneva negotiations.
Exchanges on START resulted in the achievement of substantial
additional common ground. The two leaders also discussed nuclear
non-proliferation, the Nuclear Risk Reduction Centers established in
Moscow and Washington, the status of ongoing negotiations toward
a comprehensive, effectively verifiable, and truly global ban on
chemical weapons, the status of conventional forces negotiations,
and the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe.
Secretary Shultz and Soviet Foreign Minister Shevardnadze
also signed or consummated through an exchange of diplomatic
notes nine separate agreements, two of them related to arms
control: the agreement on Advanced Notification of Strategic
Ballistic Missile Launches and the Joint Verification Experiment
agreement on nuclear testing. The seven other agreements covered
a range of issues such as expansion of US-Soviet cultural and
educational exchanges, US-Soviet cooperation on peaceful uses of
atomic power and on space exploration, maritime search and rescue,
fisheries, transportation technology, and radio navigation.
December 7, 1988:
(New York: Reagan and Gorbachev)
President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev met on
Governor's Island in New York harbor, while the Soviet leader was
visiting New York City to address the United Nations General
Assembly. The meeting, which Vice President Bush also attended,
was a private, non-negotiating session, followed by a luncheon.
December 2-3, 1989:
(Malta: Bush and Gorbachev)
President Bush and General Secretary Gorbachev held a
shipboard meeting in the harbor at Valletta, Malta, for an informal,
personal discussion of major issues. The two leaders held a 5-hour
session on December 2, including a one and one-half hour private
meeting. A scheduled afternoon meeting and dinner was cancelled
because of a major winter storm. They met again for 3 hours on the
morning of December 3, and then held a joint news conference.
During the meetings, the two leaders discussed the
remarkable events leading to peaceful and democratic change in
Eastern and Central Europe. President Bush noted his strong support
for perestroika. Discussions also reviewed future steps in the US-
Soviet relationship, economic and commercial relations between
the two nations, human rights, regional issues, particularly Central
America, environmental concerns, and a range of arms control
issues, including chemical weapons, conventional forces
negotiations, strategic arms talks, the Threshhold Test Ban Treaty,
arms control verification, missile proliferation, the Conference on
Security and Cooperation in Europe, and the situation in Lebanon.
The two leaders agreed to hold a formal summit meeting in
Washington in June 1990.
May 30-June 3, 1990:
(Washington: Bush and Gorbachev)
Presidents Bush and Gorbachev met in Washington and at Camp
David. During the first two days of meetings in Washington, the
Presidents held wide-ranging discussions on political and economic
matters including arms control, German unification, and US-Soviet
trade. On June 1, the leaders signed a key elements agreement for a
strategic arms treaty, a chemical weapons reduction accord, and a
trade agreement reducing barriers to US-Soviet commerce. Several
other bilateral accords increasing cultural and scientific exchanges
as well as maritime and air links were concluded. A 5-year US-
Soviet grain deal was signed. While in Washington, President
Gorbachev hosted events for prominent American figures in the
political and business worlds and the arts.
On June 2, Presidents Bush and Gorbachev spent the day in the
more informal atmosphere of Camp David, where they discussed
regional issues, including Afghanistan, Lithuania, and Central
America. They also discussed US-Soviet economic relations. The
following day, President Gorbachev left Washington for Minneapolis,
where he met with local business leaders, and San Francisco, where
he met with former President Reagan, before returning to Moscow.
September 9, 1990:
(Helsinki: Bush and Gorbachev)
Presidents Bush and Gorbachev met in Helsinki to discuss the
crisis in the Persian Gulf caused by Iraq's invasion and annexation
of Kuwait. The summit, announced on September 1, was the product
of a decision by the Presidents at Camp David in June to hold more
informal and unstructured meetings as global developments
warranted.
The Presidents met for seven hours (three hours privately in
the morning and four with an expanded group of advisers in the
afternoon). They issued a joint statement expressing their
solidarity in opposition to the Iraqi invasion and their intention to
cooperate fully in ending the Gulf crisis. They also urged their
negotiators to move forward more rapidly in finalizing both
strategic and conventional arms control agreements and discussed
the progress of Soviet economic reforms.
November 19, 1990:
(Paris: Bush and Gorbachev)
Presidents Bush and Gorbachev met during the November 19
CSCE summit in Paris. They held a private discussion on the crisis
in the Persian Gulf and Soviet support for a proposed UN resolution
authorizing the use of force against Iraq should it prove necessary.
July 17, 1991:
(London: Bush and Gorbachev)
Presidents Bush and Gorbachev met privately over lunch on the
final day of the economic summit of the Group of Seven
industrialized nations (Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the
United Kingdom, the United States). They announced the completion
of a START agreement and scheduled a summit in Moscow for July
30-31. They also discussed the economic situation in the Soviet
Union.
July 30-31, 1991:
(Moscow: Bush and Gorbachev)
Presidents Bush and Gorbachev met in Moscow. On the first
day of the summit, President Bush met with the President of the
Russian Republic, Boris Yeltsin. He announced that he would request
Congress to confer most-favored-nation status on the Soviet Union.
Presidents Bush and Gorbachev met for 4 hours. They discussed the
full US-Soviet agenda and the state of the Soviet economy.
Secretary of State Baker signed five bilateral accords with Soviet
officials covering aviation security, disaster assistance, provision
of medical supplies, housing construction and finance, and technical
economic cooperation. The following day, Presidents Bush and
Gorbachev signed the START Treaty and announced their
determination to co-sponsor efforts to convene a Middle East peace
conference in October 1991. On August 1, President Bush visited
Kiev before returning to Washington.(###)
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 32, August 12, 1991
Title: Helsinki Human Rights Day
Bush
Source: President Bush
Description: Proclamation given in Kiev, USSR
Date: Aug 1, 19918/1/91
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Europe
Subject: CSCE
[TEXT]
In 1975, when the United States, Canada, and 33 European states
joined in adopting the Helsinki Final Act of the Conference on
Security and Cooperation in Europe [CSCE], we affirmed "the close
link between peace and security in Europe and in the world as a
whole." Signatories to the Helsinki accords also recognized that
respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms is essential not
only to achieving lasting peace among nations but also to promoting
their social and economic development. During the past 16 years,
the CSCE process begun at Helsinki has played a leading role in
building mutual confidence, reducing the risk of conflict, and
enhancing the growth of democracy and openness in Europe. This
year we welcome Albania's entry into the CSCE community and its
commitment to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms
that this symbolizes.
The tremendous changes that have swept central and eastern
Europe underscore the CSCE's effectiveness in advancing the goal of
universal compliance with the Helsinki accords. At their meeting in
Paris last November, CSCE members welcomed the emergence of a
new transatlantic partnership of nations based on a mutual
commitment to upholding human rights and the rule of law. In
signing the Charter of Paris for a new Europe, Members added to
existing CSCE principles new and sweeping commitments to
political pluralism, free elections, free enterprise, and the rule of
law. New CSCE institutions established at the Paris summit--such
as the Office for Free Elections in Warsaw, the CSCE Secretariat in
Prague, and the Conflict Prevention Center in Vienna--strengthen
the CSCE's ability to help consolidate and to build upon recent gains.
The United States encouraged and welcomed these developments as
evidence that the CSCE can serve not only as a catalyst for change
but also itself change to reflect the demands of an evolving Europe.
During the June meeting of CSCE foreign ministers in Berlin,
the Conference endorsed the report of the Valletta Meeting on the
Peaceful Settlement of Disputes and agreed to designate the
Conflict Prevention Center in Vienna as the nominating institution
to help settle disputes. Members also agreed on a mechanism for
holding emergency official-level meetings of the CSCE, which has
first been called into action in the current Yugoslav crisis.
As the Yugoslav crisis demonstrates, major challenges
remain. The United States will continue to suggest that the CSCE
strengthen its capacity to address the political sources of conflict.
One area of special concern to us is the persecution of ethnic
minorities. Ethnic tensions in Europe provide a solemn and urgent
reminder that we still have much work to do in achieving universal
compliance with both the letter and the spirit of the Helsinki
accords. The United States has sought to lead other member-states
in exploring ways that the CSCE can help reduce these tensions and
fulfill the promise of a Europe that is whole and free, and at peace
with itself.
As an expression of the special importance that the United
States continues to attach to the CSCE in a changing Europe, the
Congress, by House Joint Resolution 264, has designated August 1,
1991, as "Helsinki Human Rights Day" and has authorized and
requested the President to issue a proclamation in observance of
this day.
Now, therefore, I, George Bush, President of the United States
of America, do hereby proclaim August 1, 1991, as Helsinki Human
Rights Day and reaffirm the United States dedication to the
principles of human dignity and freedom--principles that are
enshrined in the Helsinki Final Act. As we Americans observe this
day with appropriate programs, ceremonies, and activities, let us
call on all signatories of the Final Act to fulfill their obligation to
respect the rights and dignity of all their citizens.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand this thirty-
first day of July, in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and
ninety-one, and of the Independence of the United States of America
the two hundred and sixteenth.
GEORGE BUSH (###)
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 32, August 12, 1991
Title: Anniversary of Iraqi Invasion of Kuwait
Bush
Source: President Bush
Description: Opening statement by President Bush from a press
conference in Washington, DC
Date: Aug 2, 19918/2/91
Region: MidEast/North Africa, Europe
Country: Iraq, Kuwait, Greece, Turkey, Cyprus
Subject: Military Affairs, Democratization
[TEXT]
Today, August 2, provides an opportunity for all Americans to
reflect upon the past year. It was just 12 months ago today that
Saddam Hussein, lacking provocation or cause, ordered an attack
upon Iraq's small and defenseless neighbor, Kuwait. What followed,
the world now knows, was nightmare of brutal occupation; a
nightmare that only came to an end several months ago. What
liberated Kuwait was an unprecedented effort, one that brought
together most of the international community, initially in support
of sanctions, ultimately in support of military force, and always
consistent with the principles and resolutions of the United
Nations.
Our task has not ended. We must ensure that Iraq complies
fully with all UN resolutions and eliminates its weapons of mass
destruction. And we must work to reintegrate Iraq and its people
into the region once the Iraqi people choose new leadership.
Most significantly on this August 2nd, we note that two new
opportunities for peace have emerged as a byproduct of our efforts
in the Gulf. In the Middle East, we're close to convening a
conference this October that will launch direct talks among Israel,
the Palestinians, and the Arab States. I welcome Prime Minister
Shamir's statement that he supports our proposal, and I call upon
Israel and the Palestinians to clear away remaining obstacles and
seize this truly historic opportunity for peace.
And I'm pleased, too, on another front, that Prime Minister
Mitsotakis and President Ozal have informed me that Greece and
Turkey have agreed to attend a meeting concerning Cyprus. This
meeting would be well-prepared and both convened and chaired by
the UN Secretary General under his Security Council mandate. Greek
and Turkish leaders will work in support of the Secretary General's
efforts in advance of the meeting, planned for September in the US,
provided that adequate progress is made [in] narrowing differences
before then. (###)
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 32, August 12, 1991
Title: American Foreign Policy Supplement Released
Description: Released by the Department's Office of the Historian.
Date: Aug 7, 19918/7/91
Category: Features
Subject: State Department, History
[TEXT]
The Department of State today released American Foreign Policy:
Foreign Affairs Press Briefings and Treaties, 1989, Supplement.
This microfiche publication contains the original transcripts of the
special press briefings by senior Department and White House
officials on foreign policy issues and all the formal daily press
briefings conducted by the Department's Spokesman, including
posted statements, during 1989. Also included are treaties,
protocols, and agreements signed by the United States in 1989,
specifically those international agreements requiring formal Senate
consent in the ratification process. This publication supplements
the official record of principal messages, addresses, statements,
and briefings in the printed volume American Foreign Policy:
Current Documents, 1989 published in December 1990.
The briefings presented in this publication focused on all of
the major themes in US foreign policy including US support for
democratic revolution and self-determination, peaceful changes in
the communist world, the spread of free enterprise, economic
assistance to Poland and Hungary, and the unification of Germany.
The briefings cover the continued improvements in US-Soviet
relations including the Baker-Shevardnadze meetings in Moscow and
Jackson Hole, Wyoming, and the Bush-Gorbachev summit in Malta.
This publication documents multilateral discussions on arms
control, regional security, and economic and trade policy; the
unfolding crisis in Panama; human rights and refugees issues; and
efforts to combat terrorism and atmospheric pollution. Significant
diplomatic initiatives highlighted here include the Bipartisan
Accord on Central America and the Brady Plan on Third World Debt.
In addition, this publication contains documents detailing the Paris
International Conference on Cambodia, the calls for restraint and
nonviolence during the student demonstrations in China, and the
reaffirmation of the US commitment to the Conference on Security
and Cooperation in Europe process as a forum for East-West
cooperation.
This publication comprises about 400 documents totaling
about 5,600 pages on 61 microfiche cards. The documents are
presented in two parts. Part I contains the Department of State
daily press briefings and the Department of State and White House
Special Briefings and Press Conferences, in chronological order,
held in 1989. Part II contains treaties, protocols, and agreements
concluded by the United States in 1989. The 125-page printed guide
lists all briefings and treaties included in the microfiche and the
names and positions of all on-the-record briefers, and includes a
comprehensive index for both parts.
This microfiche publication was prepared in the Office of the
Historian, Bureau of Public Affairs, Department of State.
Copies of this microfiche publication (Department of State
Publication No. 9863, GPO Stock No. 044-000-02314-8) may be
purchased for $19.00 from the Superintendent of Documents, US
Government Printing Office, Washington, DC 20402. Checks or
money orders should be made out to the Superintendent of
Documents.
For further information, contact: Sherrill B. Wells (202) 663-
1149 or Evans Gerakas (202) 663-1147.(###)
US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 2, No 32, August 12, 1991
Title: Current Treaty Actions
Date: Aug 12, 19918/12/91
Category: Treaties/Agreements
Country: Brazil, Bulgaria, Cape Verde, Chad, Chile,
China, Ecuador, Egypt, Honduras, Israel,
Madagascar, New Zealand, Philippines, Poland,
Solomon Islands, USSR (former), Venezuela,
Antarctica
Subject: Environment, Science/Technology,
Security Assistance and Sales, Human Rights,
International Law, Narcotics, Nuclear Nonproliferation,
Resource Management, Terrorism
[TEXT]
Multilateral
Biological Weapons
Convention on the prohibition of the development, production and
stockpiling of bacteriological (biological) and toxin weapons and on
their destruction. Done at Washington, London and Moscow Apr. 10,
1972. Entered into force March 26, 1975. TIAS 8062.
Accessions deposited: Burkina Faso, Apr. 17, 1991; Liechtenstein,
May 30, 1991.
Conservation
Convention on wetlands of international importance especially as
waterfowl habitat, as amended by the Protocol of Paris of Dec. 3,
1982. Done at Ramsar Feb. 2, 1971. Entered into force Dec. 21,
1975; for the US Dec. 18, 1986. TIAS 11084.
Accession deposited: Panama, Nov. 26, 1990.
Copyright
Berne convention for the protection of literary and artistic works
of Sept. 9, 1886, completed at Paris May 4, 1896, revised at Berlin
Nov. 13, 1908, completed at Berne Mar. 20, 1914, revised at Rome
June 2, 1928; at Brussels June 26, 1948, at Stockholm July 14,
1967, and at Paris July 24, 1971, amended in 1979. Entered into
force for the US Mar. 1, 1989.
Accessions deposited: Ecuador, July 8, 1991; Ghana, July 11, 1991;
Malawi, July 12, 1991.
Defense
Treaty on conventional armed forces in Europe, with protocols and
annexes. Done at Paris Nov. 19, 1990. Entered into force
provisionally Nov. 19, 1990. Enters into force definitively 10 days
after instruments of ratification have been deposited by all States
Parties listed in the Preamble. [Senate] Treaty Doc. 102-8.
Signatures: United States, Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada,
Czechoslovakia, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary,
Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal,
Spain, Turkey, USSR, and the United Kingdom, Nov. 19, 1990.
Gas
Protocol for the prohibition of the use in war of asphyxiating,
poisonous or other gases, and of bacteriological methods of
warfare. Done at Geneva
June 17, 1925. Entered into force Feb. 8, 1928; for the US Apr. 10,
1975. TIAS 8061.
Ratification deposited: Nicaragua, Oct. 5, 1990.
Genocide
Convention on the prevention and punishment of the crime of
genocide. Done at Paris Dec. 9, 1948. Entered into force Jan. 12,
1951; for the US Feb. 23, 1989.
Accession deposited: Zimbabwe, May 13, 1991.
Human Rights
International covenant on civil and political rights. Done at New
York Dec. 16, 1966. Entered into force Mar. 23, 1976.1
Accessions deposited: Malta, Sept. 13, 19902,3; Zimbabwe, May 13,
1991; Nepal, May 14, 1991.
International covenant on economic, social and cultural rights. Done
at New York
Dec. 16, 1966. Entered into force Jan. 3, 1976.1
Ratification deposited: Malta, Sept. 13, 1990.2,4
Judicial Procedure
Convention on the service abroad of judicial and extrajudicial
documents in civil or commercial matters. Done at The Hague Nov.
15, 1965. Entered into force Feb. 10, 1969. TIAS 6638.
Accession deposited: China, May 6, 1991.3
Convention on the civil aspects of international child abduction.
Done at The Hague Oct. 25, 1980. Entered into force Dec. 1, 1983;
for the US July 1, 1988. [Senate] Treaty Doc. 99-11.
Signature: Denmark, Apr. 17, 1991.
Ratification deposited: Denmark, Apr. 17, 19913
Accessions deposited: New Zealand, May 31, 19913; Mexico, June
20, 1991
Narcotics
United Nations convention against illicit traffic in narcotic drugs
and psychotropic substances, with annex and final act. Done at
Vienna Dec. 20, 1988. Entered into force Nov. 11, 1990.
Ratification deposited: Brazil, July 17, 1991; Sweden, July 22,
1991; Venezuela, July 16, 1991; United Kingdom, June 28, 1991.
Nuclear Weapons--
Non-Proliferation Treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear
weapons. Done at Washington, London and Moscow July 1, 1968.
Entered into force Mar. 5, 1970. TIAS 6839.
Accession deposited: South Africa, July 10, 1991.
Patents
Patent cooperation treaty, with regulations. Done at Washington
June 19, 1970. Entered into force Jan. 24, 1978.
Ratification deposited: Cote d'Ivoire, Jan. 31, 1991. TIAS 8733.
International convention for the protection of new varieties of
plants of Dec. 2, 1961, as revised. Done at Geneva Oct. 23, 1978.
Entered into force Nov. 8, 1981. TIAS 10199.
Ratification deposited: Canada, Feb. 4, 1991.
Racial Discrimination
International convention on the elimination of all forms of racial
discrimination. Done at New York Dec. 21, 1965. Entered into force
Jan. 4, 1969.1
Accession deposited: Zimbabwe, May 13, 1991.
Seabed Disarmament
Treaty on the prohibition of the emplacement of nuclear weapons
and other weapons of mass destruction on the seabed and the ocean
floor and in the subsoil thereof. Done at Washington, London and
Moscow Feb. 11, 1971. Entered into force
May 18, 1972. TIAS 7337.
Accession deposited: Liechtenstein, May 30, 1991.
Seals--Antarctic
Convention for the conservation of Antarctic seals, with annex and
final act. Done at London June 1, 1972. Entered into force Mar. 11,
1978. TIAS 8826.
Accession deposited: Brazil, Feb. 11, 1991.
Terrorism
International convention against the taking of hostages. Done at
New York Dec. 17, 1979. Entered into force June 3, 1983; for the US
Jan. 6, 1985. TIAS 11081.
Ratification deposited: Luxembourg, Apr. 29, 1991.
Torture
Convention against torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading
treatment or punishment. Done at New York Dec. 10, 1984. Entered
into force June 26, 1987.1
Accession deposited: Nepal, May 14, 1991.
Whaling
International whaling convention and schedule of whaling
regulations. Done at Washington Dec. 2, 1946. Entered into force
Nov. 10, 1948. TIAS 1849.
Adherence deposited: Venezuela, July 11, 1991.
Wills
Convention providing a uniform law on the form of an international
will, with annex. Done at Washington Oct. 26, 1973. Entered into
force Feb. 9. 1978.1
Accession deposited: Italy, May 16, 1991.
Women
Convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against
women. Done at New York Dec. 18, 1979. Entered into force Sept. 3,
1981.1
Accessions deposited: Zimbabwe, May 13, 1991; Central African
Rep., June 21, 1991.
Ratification deposited: Nepal, Apr. 22, 1991.
Bilateral
Brazil
Agreement extending the complementary agreement of November 6,
1986, as extended, for technical cooperation in the area of
irrigation. Exchange of notes at Brasilia Mar. 22 and May 22, 1991.
Entered into force May 22, 1991.
Bulgaria
Investment incentive agreement. Signed at Sofia June 7, 1991.
Enters into force on the date on which Bulgaria communicates to the
US that its constitutional or other legal requirements have been
fulfilled.
Cape Verde
Postal money order agreement. Signed at Washington and Praia Apr.
17 and June 17, 1991. Enters into force Aug. 26, 1991.
Chad
Agreement relating to the employment of dependents of official
government employees. Effected by exchange of notes at N'Djamena
Apr. 19 and June 8, 1991. Entered into force June 8, 1991.
Chile
Agreement regarding the reduction of certain debts owed to the
United States Government and its agencies, with appendices. Signed
at Washington June 27, 1991. Enters into force upon receipt by
Chile of written notice from the US that all necessary domestic
legal requirements have been fulfilled.
China, People's Republic of
Agreement amending and extending the agreement of Jan. 31, 1979,
as extended (TIAS 10921), on cooperation in science and technology.
Signed at Washington May 22, 1991. Entered into force May 22,
1991; effective Apr. 30, 1991.
Ecuador
Memorandum of understanding on measures to prevent the diversion
of chemical substances. Signed at Quito June 17, 1991. Entered
into force June 17, 1991.
Egypt
Grant agreement for cash transfer. Signed at Cairo May 30, 1991.
Entered into force May 30, 1991.
Agreement amending the air transport agreement of May 5, 1964
(TIAS 5706; 15 UST 2202). Effected by exchange of notes at Cairo
May 27, 1991. Entered into force provisionally May 27, 1991;
definitively on the date of exchanging written notification that the
constitutional requirements of both parties have been fulfilled.
Honduras
Grant agreement for economic stabilization and recovery program
IV. Signed at Tegucigalpa June 5, 1991. Entered into force June 5,
1991.
Memorandum of understanding concerning scientific, technical and
policy cooperation in the earth and mapping sciences, with annexes.
Signed at Tegucigalpa June 10, 1991. Entered into force June 10,
1991.
Israel
Memorandum of understanding for cooperation in scientific
exchanges and workshops, with annexes. Signed at Washington and
Jerusalem Apr. 30 and June 26, 1991. Entered into force June 26,
1991.
Madagascar
Agreement regarding the consolidation and rescheduling of certain
debts owed to, guaranteed by, or insured by the United States
Government and its agencies, with annexes. Signed at Antananarivo
June 19, 1991. Enters into force following signature and receipt by
Madagascar of written notice from US that all necessary domestic
legal requirements have been fulfilled.
New Zealand
Agreement for scientific and technological cooperation, with annex
and exchange of letters. Signed at Washington May 21, 1991.
Entered into force May 21, 1991.
Philippines
Agreement regarding the relinquishment of certain areas at the San
Miguel Naval Communications Station, Province of Zambales and the
US Navy transmitter site at Capas, Province of Tarlac, with maps.
Effected by exchange of notes at Manila Jan. 31 and May 13, 1991.
Entered into force May 13, 1991.
Agreement relating to radio communications between amateur
stations on behalf of third parties. Effected by exchange of notes at
Manila Feb. 13 and June 4, 1991. Entered into force June 4, 1991.
Poland
Agreement concerning provision of training related to defense
articles under the United States International Military Education
Training (IMET) Program. Effected by exchange of notes at Warsaw
Apr. 25 and June 6, 1991. Entered into force June 6, 1991.
Solomon Islands
International express mail agreement, with detailed regulations.
Signed at Honiara and Washington Apr. 19 and June 27, 1991.
Entered into force August 1, 1991.
USSR
Memorandum of understanding on cooperation in the mapping
sciences, with annexes. Signed at Moscow May 14, 1991. Entered
into force May 14, 1991.
Venezuela
Memorandum of understanding on cooperation in management and
protection of national parks and other protected natural and
cultural heritage sites. Signed at Washington July 1, 1991. Entered
into force July 1, 1991.
1 Not in force for the US.
2 With reservation(s).
3 With declaration(s).
4 Reservation made upon signature withdrawn. (###)