US DEPARTMENT OF STATE DAILY PRESS BRIEFING Friday, September 17, 1993 BRIEFER: Michael McCurry Subject Page CHINA Reported Preparation for Nuclear Weapons Test ............1-6 -- US Reaction/US Contacts ..................................................1-6 Prospects for Hosting Olympics .............................................4 Status of US Relations ................................................................4 ARMS CONTROL Status of Five-Nation Conference on Nuclear Proliferation ................................................................7-8 NORTH KOREA US Conditions for Resumption of Talks ................................8 Previous Meetings with US.............................................................8 MIDDLE EAST PEACE PROCESS Prospects for PLO Establishing Office in US ......................8-9,11 US Laws Restricting Contact with PLO ..............................9-11 -- State Department Discussions with Congress ............9-11 Prospects for Donors Conference ............................................10-11 Bilateral Negotiations/US Contacts with Parties ...........11 HAITI US Concern re: Formation of Government ............................12 Departure of UN Force ...................................................................12 Prospects for Resumption of Sanctions ...............................13 RUSSIA Report of New Ambassador to US .............................................14 (###) DEPARTMENT OF STATE DAILY PRESS BRIEFING DPC #130 FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1993, 12:44 P.M. (ON THE RECORD UNLESS OTHERWISE NOTED) MR. McCURRY: Good afternoon, everybody. No announcements, so your questions, please. Q Mike, what do you know about -- or what can you tell us, rather, about this Chinese nuclear business? MR. McCURRY: There's not a lot I can tell you because, obviously, the information that you've seen reported is from sources that we normally don't talk about here. I would say that we would view a nuclear weapons test by China or any other nation with serious concern. We've been trying for several weeks, at very senior levels, to dissuade China from carrying out such a test and to our knowledge, many countries have discussed this issue directly with the Chinese in recent weeks. Our focus at the moment is dissuading China from conducting any possible tests. Beyond that, it's very hard to speculate on what might happen if they do test. I would say that the environment for negotiating a Comprehensive Test Ban would be much stronger if other nations observed a moratorium on testing such as the one that President Clinton announced. Negotiating a Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty by 1996 remains an important Administration objective and it is also a directive from the United States Congress. Q Mike, how can you say that you don't know what would happen if, in fact, China tested? Didn't the President say in July that if another nation tested, the United States would not adhere to a ban? MR. McCURRY: He didn't say that. I believe his statement on July 2 was pretty clear, that there were certain steps that could be taken by the Department of Energy to look at the testing issue. But, again, that would be hypothetical at this point. I don't know that there are any decisions at this point on what would happen if China did conduct a test. Q It is no more hypothetical now than it was when the President spoke about it on July 2. In fact, it may be less hypothetical now than it was then, so why are you hiding behind that aspect of it? MR. McCURRY: What's the question? Q It's not hypothetical. It's no more hypothetical now than it was then. The President said certain things would happen if another nation tested. Is that policy still in place? MR. McCURRY: I don't know of any change in the policy. I'm not suggesting by that that the Administration has made any definitive judgment on how it would respond to any test by the Chinese. Q Is it a concern of the U.S. Government that not only China but other countries may also follow China -- Russia, France, for example, two candidates -- MR. McCURRY: I wouldn't want to get into what we think other countries might do with their nuclear program. I think the President, at the time that he announced our moratorium on testing, indicated that the general environment would certainly be much more welcoming of an overall Comprehensive Test Ban, and the possibility of nations refraining from testing would be much more likely if any single nation did not step forward first with a first test. That was the basis of the "no first test" policy. Q What was it a couple of weeks ago that prompted the United States to ask China not to test again? MR. McCURRY: I think, as you probably are aware, these types of matters are ones that the United States watches very, very carefully. It is sufficient to say that within the last several weeks the United States grew increasingly concerned about the status of the Chinese testing program. Q Do you feel this turns back the clock, to an extent, if they go ahead with this test? If they feel that they have a nuclear safety problem, what's wrong with testing? MR. McCURRY: Again, I would stress that the environment itself -- the overall goal here is to negotiate a Comprehensive Test Ban by 1996. The environment for negotiating that ban is certainly much stronger if nations refrain from testing in that interim period. I think the other countries will address their own reasons for wanting to test -- safety and reliability are very often the reasons cited -- but it becomes much harder once one country tests for other countries to then continue to refrain from their testing. Q That was an argument the U.S. used for years, though -- safety and reliability -- and dismissed the argument that just because the U.S. was continuing to test, that other nations, therefore, ought to feel they ought to do it. That's a pretty big change of views you're expressing here. MR. McCURRY: That's not a change of views. The President, himself, said in July that you have to balance out the questions about safety and reliability against the overall proliferation goals that you're pursuing. He said, on balance, while testing certainly can enhance safety and reliability, to proceed with tests would also undermine some of the proliferation goals that are equally if not more important. Q Has this protest been pushed through at a level higher than Lynne Davis? MR. McCURRY: Yes. Q And was this in Christopher's encounter with the Foreign Minister of China? MR. McCURRY: I wouldn't want to speculate on all the ways that it's being raised, but the matter has been raised at high, if not the highest, levels. Q Has President Clinton written to Chinese leaders to discuss this issue? MR. McCURRY: I think that would be a good question to direct to the White House. Q The question I have is a broader one, but it seems to me over the past six months or so that there have been repeated instances in which we've had to remonstrate, convince, persuade, push, pressure China on one thing or another whether it is allowing ships to carry Chinese here, or selling weapons, or something like that. Is there something going on here that the United States ought to be doing vis-a- vis China that could be a little bit more stronger policy? Because when all of this happened, we still continued the Most Favored Nation. I'm just wondering whether the Chinese -- whether there's something broader going on that the United States wants to take on here vis-a-vis China? MR. McCURRY: I'm not sure I really know what the question is here. I'd say, one, we've had a rocky period in our relationship with China because of many of the issues that you cite. But, second, there is an ongoing effort to raise many of these issues diplomatically to try to address these concerns. Our bilateral relationship with China is based on many, many factors, many of which are positive. We continue to work with them on these issues of concern to us, and we will continue to work with them on issues of concern to us, hoping that we can achieve successful resolutions of our concerns on issues, whether they be human rights, proliferation, or the other types of things that we have discussed. Q If you've dwelt on this already, please forgive me. Does the State Department take any position on China's attempt to get the Olympics in the year 2000? MR. McCURRY: No, the Department or the Administration has not taken any position on their bid to host the Olympics. We are aware of the fact that the International Olympic Committee, which will make that decision, will base its decision on numerous factors. We have shared some of the information that we think might be relevant with the U.S. members of the International Olympic Committee, but we have taken no view on the question of hosting the Olympics directly. Q Do you feel it would be a problem for them to host the Olympics if they were resuming nuclear testing? Do you think that should have anything to do with the selection of an Olympic site? MR. McCURRY: That's not a question that we address. That's the International Olympic Committee's province to address their criteria for selecting. I don't know whether they make that a factor or not. Q You just said you share some information with the Olympic Committee members that you think they ought to know about. Is this an issue about which you have shared information with them -- MR. McCURRY: No. I think, specifically, the information that we gave them was relating to our discussion of China in the context of our annual human rights report. Q Mike, in Jack's previous question, you used the word "protest." Is that what it was that the United States communicated? Was it a diplomatic protest? MR. McCURRY: I don't think it was a protest. I think we were raising -- it was a formal demarche, in diplomatic terms -- raising concerns about what we thought might be under preparation. Obviously, to our knowledge, there have not been any tests, so we hadn't filed any formal protest. Q On the general question of what you describe as a rocky period in our relationship, the other day you said that you considered the incident of the Chinese ship in the Gulf to be closed. The Chinese Government obviously does not. They've kept up a drumbeat of press comments, demanding an apology, saying that they're going to demand costs -- $12 million, or something like that. Do you respond at all to those communications from them? MR. McCURRY: I don't have anything new on that. Q When was the demarche issued? MR. McCURRY: I think it's been raised. I wouldn't want to say there's been a single one. I think we've been raising this issue in a variety of contexts with the Chinese since, I believe, July -- late July. I'll double-check and make sure it wasn't sooner than that, but I believe late July onward that we've raised this in several contexts. Q So, there have been several demarches since July? MR. McCURRY: There have been several. As you know, there have been several high-ranking exchanges between the United States and China in that period, and it has been raised a number of times. I think, as you know, Under Secretary Davis was in Beijing at one point. I think there have been other possibilities for us to have expressed our concerns to China. Q Have we asked the Japanese and others to raise their concerns with the Chinese about this whole subject? MR. McCURRY: We have encouraged a large number of states to urge China not to resume testing, and we understand that many of them have. Q Mike, coming back to your original comments, you said that this was an issue which you view with serious concern. Is the serious concern you have over it related to the environment for negotiating a non-proliferation -- a nuclear test ban? Or is there some other concern, such as a danger of an explosion, or the danger of use of the weapons, or anything of that sort? MR. McCURRY: The concern we're raising is because of the overall goal of the world community, which is to achieve a Comprehensive Test Ban. Q They have agreed to take part (inaudible) in those negotiations? MR. McCURRY: I believe they have, yes. Q I think it was once reported that China expressed its concern to join the NPT regime. Do you have any communication with China concerning that matter? MR. McCURRY: I don't have anything specific on that, no. Q What is your position on Chinese participation in the NPT regime? MR. McCURRY: We encourage participation in the regime itself because it enhances the overall goals of non-proliferation. Q Have we ever sent a telegram or urgent letter to participate in the NPT regime to China? MR. McCURRY: I don't know the answer to that. I know that we often and regularly encourage people to meet with us and discuss with us our proliferation goals and also those that have been expressed by the international community. Q Is it safe to say that the U.S. concerns about this testing issue have remained at about the same levels since they began in July, or is there something more recently than July that has prompted an increasing level of concern? You said you've raised it a number of times since July, presumably, because nothing has improved. But has the situation gotten any worse, in the U.S. view? MR. McCURRY: Well, "worse" is a relative term. Q How about imminent? MR. McCURRY: "Imminent." That's a good question. If you're asking me if a test was suddenly -- if our understanding was that a test had suddenly become more imminent, would we have suddenly elevated the expression of our concern to China? Q Right. MR. McCURRY: That's a very good question. I'll have to check on that. Q Does the testing appear to be more imminent? MR. McCURRY: I can't answer that because it involves intelligence matters. Q I guess what we're getting at is, whatever the preparations are, that you referred to a moment ago, were obviously apparent to the United States as early as July. Is there anything that has occurred since then that leads you to feel more concerned about it? Or is this a continuing but nonetheless stable level of concern about the possibility of testing at some point? MR. McCURRY: Obviously, because this is an intelligence matter, I can't comment on it at great length. I can say that, as we do monitor situations like this carefully, if we suddenly became concerned about a problem, our interest in that problem would certainly increase and we would certainly monitor it much more carefully. As we learn more and assess more, if we found it wise to express our concern more directly, it would be natural that we would do so. Q Would one method of doing that be to make the information available to the Washington Post so that it would get more widely disseminated, in general? Is that an expression of an increasing concern, or does it just happen to be that somebody stumbled across this piece of information? MR. McCURRY: No, that would, of course, not be the way it would be handled, because that would be the distribution of classified intelligence materials. It wouldn't be proper at all. Q I take it the Chinese have either said -- given no reply or just gone on with their plans in spite of the expressions of concern? MR. McCURRY: I just cannot characterize our diplomatic exchanges with the Chinese on this question. Q Mike, are the French still testing? MR. McCURRY: I'm not aware that they've tested any time recently. Q They haven't said they're going to stop it, though? Q Do you have any estimate of the possible area that would be influenced by the nuclear test of China? For example, nuclear fallout could spread to the Peninsula of Korea or Japan or something like that? MR. McCURRY: I don't have any information on that that I can share here. Q Mike, does the United States believe that -- I'm sorry, just one more on this subject -- does the United States believe that the Chinese have planted a nuclear weapon into a hole ready for detonation? MR. McCURRY: I just can't comment on that. That would be consistent with what we know about their previous tests, but I can't comment on what we know about their current planning or preparation. Q A related one. There's a team here from India for discussions on nuclear proliferation issues with the U.S., and it's going on right now. I believe earlier there was a suggestion -- not believe -- I know that the U.S. wanted a five-nation conference which included China. Now it seems that this is out of the window. Is that true? Is the proposal for a five-nation out -- dead? MR. McCURRY: I'd have to check on that. I had not heard that. I'd be willing to check on that to see if that's true. Q On North Korea, as you may understand, tomorrow is the announced deadline for the third round of talks between the United States and North Korea. If that's not an accurate deadline, how long will the United States wait for the next round of talks? And what will be the United States next steps if North Korea does not implement the Geneva agreement? In connection to this, would you tell us the specifics of the recent Beijing contact between the United States and North Korea? MR. McCURRY: I'm not aware of any specific deadline tomorrow. I can say that the United States had discussed with North Korea some specific conditions that would be necessary for resuming a third round of high-level talks. We have informed North Korea that those conditions have not been met. Therefore, there has been no scheduling of a third round of talks. Q To follow that, please. On the 35th working level discussion in Peking, you passed that kind of evaluation to North Korea or with another channel? MR. McCURRY: I'm sorry? Q You have a 35th meeting, working level meeting, in Peking on the 15th, the day before yesterday. In the third working level meeting, you passed that kind of evaluation to North Korea? MR. McCURRY: I don't know the answer to that. I can check that. Q Can you confirm that the last meeting occurred on the 15th? MR. McCURRY: I can't confirm that. I was not aware of that, but I'll take that question. Q Would you take my question of whether there was a meeting this week? MR. McCURRY: A working level meeting in Beijing, and the items on the agenda and any readout that we can provide, yes. Q Mike, has the U.S. informed the PLO or been told by the PLO or asked to the effect that the PLO intends to open a mission or Embassy here next week -- or next month? MR. McCURRY: I think that we have discussed that question with them. There is current legislation on the books which prohibits the establishment of a PLO office in the United States. I think, as you know, we've been consulting with Congress on a range of legislative restrictions that relate to our dialogue with the PLO, and we will be able to address that question after we have resolved some of these questions that we're addressing with Congress. Q But you've now told them that if this legislation can be lifted by next month, that they will be in a position to open -- MR. McCURRY: No, I'm not saying that we said that. I'm saying that we've indicated to them that we need to talk to our Congress about the legislative restrictions that do exist to see if those -- if they provide impediments to that type of dialogue, and that we've generally indicated that we're willing to address those restrictions in a way that would allow us to continue a dialogue that would be valuable to the peace process. Q Okay. But they're of the opinion that this is going to happen next month. Without asking you to guess as to why they're of this opinion, you have not told them that this could happen next month, or you've not set this as a timetable? MR. McCURRY: I don't want to say that we have not told them that, because I'll have to go back and check with some of the people who have had direct dialogue with them. I think we've made very clear to them what the situation is, that there are certain restrictions that exist on what we can do that would have to be resolved. Their optimism on how quickly that might be done could or could not be shared by Congress. We'll have to see. Q Mike, prior to the opening of the dialogue between the United States and the PLO, would it have been illegal for a U.S. citizen to meet with a PLO official, Arafat for instance? MR. McCURRY: For a U.S. official? Q No, for a private citizen. MR. McCURRY: Private citizen. I'm not aware of any reasons why it would have been illegal. Q Incidentally, I know the Senate is doing this now, but has the State Department ever put together a list of the various laws concerning the PLO and the U.S.? Have you ever put that together? MR. McCURRY: I've seen a pretty good analysis of what the current restrictions are. Are you having trouble getting that kind of information? Q Yes. As you know, Mitchell has been having trouble -- Senator Mitchell has been having trouble getting it in order to review it. MR. McCURRY: I have actually seen internally within the Department a pretty good analysis of that. I'll see if that's something that we can share with you. Q Is there a numerical summary of how many laws you think are involved, or what the tactics will have to be to repeal or remove them? MR. McCURRY: What I saw was more a discussion of the general statutory prohibitions and some of the specific legislative things that exist. I have no reason to think it wasn't comprehensive. It addressed about five or six statutes in particular, I think. But I thought it was very good, and I'll see if there isn't any reason why we can't make that available. Q How is the planning going for the donors conference? MR. McCURRY: Oh, I think there is a lot of discussion and planning underway. That's about all I can say about that today. Q When will it be held? MR. McCURRY: When will what be held? Q The donor conference. MR. McCURRY: What donor conference? (Laughter) Q The one on which you said there's lots of planning and discussion underway. MR. McCURRY: Oh. I don't know. Q Mike, what would prevent Secretary Christopher from announcing it tomorrow? MR. McCURRY: It's Saturday, and I'm not aware that he has any speeches. (Laughter) Q Monday. I mean Monday -- I'm sorry -- in New York. MR. McCURRY: What would prevent him from announcing it Monday? I don't know. There would have to be a decision by the Secretary to say certain things in his remarks. I'm not aware of anything that would prevent him from addressing general questions of this nature. Q Is it the U.S. intention to host such a conference? MR. McCURRY: Why don't I leave it to the Secretary to tell you more about that on Monday. (Laughter) Q We're getting warm now. Q Mike, just back on this PLO office. Have you formally, or has the State Department formally gone to Congress to ask for the repeal of any of these statutes, or are you consulting with them, or what are you waiting for? MR. McCURRY: I think we're consulting with them. I think it's been raised in the general context of how we now advance the peace process. I think many of you also know that Chairman Arafat met with some members of the Hill, and I understand that it's conceivable that some of your questions about a PLO office may be related to some discussions he had on the Hill as well. I think that the important thing is that there does have to be a formal addressing of these issues by Congress itself which imposed the initial restrictions, and that is something that we are consulting on closely. I wouldn't say that we've gone through and made a formal request that you take such and such items off the books, but we will be working with Congress to examine those types of issues. Q Any further contact this week, other than the President's that had been announced, with Syria? MR. McCURRY: Not that I'm aware of, and I'll check. If there have been any that we can describe, I will post it. Q Is the Administration aware and prepared to respond to Syria's comments yesterday on the PLO-Israeli agreement -- an official government comment? MR. McCURRY: The official Syrian comments. We don't have any particular reaction to the report. We have said all along that this is a comprehensive process. All the tracks have their own dynamics. The President and the Secretary have had conversations with leaders in the region, including President Assad, and we've made it very clear that the United States is committed to helping the parties make progress in all the tracks. Beyond that, I don't have any particular reaction to their reaction. Q Mike, without getting into specific numbers, does the Administration expect to be able to offer more to the donors conference than the $25-$30 million currently in the '94 foreign aid bill? If you call the Hill, they don't seem to have many ideas as to where they can get more money. I'm just wondering if the Administration has any ideas? MR. McCURRY: I think that's among many questions that are being looked at carefully right now. Q On Haiti, the U.N. Security Council looks as if it may look at a resolution to call for reimposition of sanctions and perhaps increasing the U.N. mission there. Any comment? What's the U.S. position? MR. McCURRY: Ambassador Albright was here this morning. I know that is something that she will be addressing. I think we are discussing that with members of the Security Council and our partners and colleagues there. I don't know specifically what position the United States will take on that question. I have not heard anything to indicate that we would oppose such a resolution. Q Is the situation in Haiti, in the U.S. view, that critical? MR. McCURRY: I think the situation in Haiti is of very great concern to the United States. We are troubled by the reports of continuing violence. We hope that the parties can move to implement the Governor's Island Accords rapidly, and we have raised our concerns directly with Prime Minister Malval's constitutional government. Q Mike, as far as I understand it, there's no reason why the U.N. forces that are slated to go down there under the Governor's Island Accord can't go there tomorrow. I mean, why wouldn't one way to address this situation be to start getting some of the U.N. people down there faster than was originally planned? MR. McCURRY: There's one thing I frankly don't know the answer to, and that's there was a U.N. advance team that had gone down there to look at questions related to the deployment of an international presence in Haiti, and I think we consider that a very valuable exercise, because they were going to look very carefully at questions that relate to the administration of this type of effort. It's not clear to me whether they have concluded that planning work and whether they've reported back to the Secretary General on what steps are required to deploy that. But it's clear an international presence and training for the establishment of police would make a difference. But so, too, would the military taking responsibility for the conditions that exist now in Haiti. People have to be held accountable, and there are those now who are in a position to control the violence, and we have called upon them to do that. Q One of our criticisms of the U.N. has been that it's sometimes slow to respond in these types of situations, and it takes too long for reports to get to the Secretary General and the Secretary General to make a report to the Security Council. I mean, are we, since we're going to be involved in this force, making any effort to speed up the deployment and get people there quicker, or are we just letting the U.N. set the pace that they're setting? MR. McCURRY: We might very well do that. I've heard the Secretary himself express concern, but I would have to check and see exactly what steps we're taking to encourage an acceleration of the rate at which they make that international presence available in Haiti. Q Is there anything on a U.S. mission to Haiti early next week? MR. McCURRY: A U.S. mission? Q Yes. Assistant Secretary level, for example. MR. McCURRY: I'm not aware of it, but I wouldn't rule it out. It may just not have caught up with me yet. Q Just to clarify your message, Mike, the Administration would not oppose reimposition of sanctions on Haiti as a result of the recent violence. Is that -- MR. McCURRY: We are developing our position at the U.N. We're working with our colleagues in the U.N. I'd just say I haven't heard anything that would lead me to think that we would not go along with that particular resolution. But I don't know that we have -- check in with Ambassador Albright later. Q And would the new sanction package be similar to the ones we've seen in the past? Would it be broader? MR. McCURRY: I don't know. I haven't see the draft. I don't know if they've got a draft resolution yet, in any case, I haven't seen it. I don't know whether it would resemble the U.N./OAS sanctions that were in place until recently. Yes. One more. Q If we are off Haiti, just to ask if you could give a statement tomorrow on the India-U.S. nuclear proliferation talks, or if some kind of a press briefing, a separate one, could be organized? MR. McCURRY: I'll see if we can get some detail on the meeting itself and provide some type of either statement or formal statement on it. Q One more. Has the U.S. been requested yet for agreement to a new Russian Ambassador to Washington, Yuliy Vorontsov? MR. McCURRY: Not that I have been told. I've seen the reports, obviously, that you have seen, but I'm not aware that we have been contacted formally by the Russian Government. Q Have you been contacted about Ambassador Lukin leaving? MR. McCURRY: Not that I am aware of. You mean in the sense of being contacted formally, diplomatically. Not that I'm aware of. Q Well, how about informally, diplomatically. MR. McCURRY: That may be. Q Is Secretary Christopher saying goodbye to him or something like that? MR. McCURRY: No, no. Not that I'm aware of. Q Well, Mike, can you take the question, please? MR. McCURRY: No. Q Well, in that case, thank you. MR. McCURRY: Okay. (The briefing concluded at 1:14 p.m.) (###)