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US DEPARTMENT OF STATE DAILY PRESS BRIEFING Tuesday, September 7, 1993 BRIEFER: Michael McCurry Subject Page ANNOUNCEMENT Town Meeting in St. Louis on Thursday Sponsored by Department/Ass. Sec. Djerejian to Keynote .1-2 MIDDLE EAST PEACE TALKS Bilateral Talks/Duration .......................2-11 Discussions between Israel and PLO .............2-11 -- Prospects for Agreement/Timing/Signing .....2-11 -- Funding for Implementation/US/G-7 ......7-10 -- Mutual Recognition .........................2-3 -- Impact on Multilaterals ....................3,10 Secretary's Contacts with Parties/Others .......7,11 CHINA Inspection of Ship Suspected of Carrying CW Precursors ...................................11-13 Protest re: US Sale of Aircraft to Taiwan .....16-17 Endangered Species Violations ..................16 PAKISTAN Foreign Minister's Meetings at Department ......13 SOMALIA Raid by US Rangers .............................14 US Diplomat Shot ...............................14 Aideed's Capabilities ..........................15 FORMER YUGOSLAVIA Bosnian President's Visit to US ................14,22-23 US Concerns re: Condition at Croat Camps .......17 Assessment of Conditions by Amb. Jackovich/ Senator Lugar ................................18,21 Prospects for NATO Air Support .................18-22 Status of Negotiations on Agreement ............19-21 AZERBAIJAN/ARMENIA Conflict in Nagorno-Karabak/US Diplomacy .......15,17 NORTH KOREA Discussions with IAEA ..........................15-16 US Conditions for Continued Discussions ........16 IRAQ Defection of Diplomats to U.K. .................16 DEPARTMENT Inspector General's Inquiry into the Handling of Republican Holdovers' Personnel Files ........21-22 (###) DEPARTMENT OF STATE DAILY PRESS BRIEFING DPC #124 TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1993, 12:49 P. M. (ON THE RECORD UNLESS OTHERWISE NOTED) MR. McCURRY: Good afternoon, everybody. I'd like to start with one quick housekeeping item. On this Thursday, September 9, the World Affairs Council of St. Louis and the Department of State are going to co-sponsor a town meeting in St. Louis that will feature remarks by Assistant Secretary Djerejian on the situation in the Middle East, followed by briefings on NAFTA and on the subject of terrorism. I just call your attention to this. This is one of a series of things that the Department will be working on with local groups, again to try to bring some of the current issues in foreign policy directly to American citizens. This is something that Secretary Christopher has often talked about, about this being one of his goals to engage the American people directly in a discussion of relevant foreign policy issues from time to time. There will be more information -- if you're interested in this session -- more information available in the Press Office after the briefing. With that housekeeping item, any questions? Q Will it be piped into the briefing room? MR. McCURRY: We'll check and see. I don't know that we were planning to do that, but if there is sufficient interest, we will certainly investigate that. Q And is it on the record? I presume it must be. It's a public forum. MR. McCURRY: Yes. It's open for press coverage. Q Open for press coverage. MR. McCURRY: Yes. Q Is Djerejian going out there? MR. McCURRY: He will be going out there that day and returning that day. He's making a quick trip -- even though there are a great many things going on in his part of the world these days, the Bureau of Public Affairs is pleading with him to make good on that date because it promises to be a very interesting program. Q Well, this is a very pleading audience too. Do you think -- Thursday's kind of a good time because the round may or may not be over then. Do you think you could get Ed Djerejian or someone very much like him to give us something on the record to wrap up this round of talks here, so we don't have to go to St. Louis? MR. McCURRY: It has been our custom at the conclusion of a round of talks to try to have someone knowledgeable available to you to answer any questions you might have, and we certainly will try to keep with that custom. Q If you could do it on the record, you know, on the same plateau with the St. Louis World Affairs Council, that would be very good. MR. McCURRY: On the record in my book is always better anyhow. Q Mike, what's your understanding of when this round will conclude? MR. McCURRY: I think the original plan was for the delegations to be meeting Tuesday through Thursday last week and this week. I don't know of any change in that preliminary schedule, but I haven't checked to see how the delegations themselves are addressing the question of how long they plan to remain in session this week. Q Mike, would you take that question, because some of us understood that the delegations were planning to be here through at least some part of next week anyway? It would be interesting to see what your interpretation is of the end of the round. MR. McCURRY: We'll check with them. That's kind of a day-to- day thing that they address themselves, but we'll certainly see if they have any new thoughts on how the calendar looked this week. Q What is your understanding of the state of play for the recognition agreement between Israel and the PLO? Do you understand that Arafat has the authority necessary to renounce the PLO charter and renounce terrorism? MR. McCURRY: Bud, that's not a subject I want to address. I think that is a subject that the parties themselves -- in this case, the PLO would have to address directly because it involves issues of internal governance for the PLO. It is clear to us that there are remaining issues that have to be addressed in looking at the question of mutual recognition, and that both parties are doing that. Again, I really don't have much to say publicly to add to what we have said in the past on this. Q While you may not want to address it, it is still fairly central to the whole argument that's going on. Do you understand -- without you addressing it from the podium -- does the United States have a clear understanding of how much authority Arafat has and how far he can go? MR. McCURRY: Well, we have understandings, and it's a situation we look at, but it's not something we are entering into, because it involves this question internally that the PLO will be addressing itself. Look, our perspective on this is pretty clear. We support the declaration of principles that's been reached between the two parties. We view that as a historic achievement in its own right. That is proving to be a catalyst for progress on some of the other tracks as they look for a comprehensive settlement, and our interest has been in promoting the importance of the joint declaration of principles that has been reached. Now, there is a separate issue of mutual recognition that is one that the two parties themselves are dealing with at this point, and frankly that is a delicate, tough issue that the parties themselves are best able to address. Q Mike, but there is a very strong collateral issue of U.S. recognition or a resumption of the dialogue, which may be the same thing, with the PLO. And you must have -- or you and the people in this building must have considered what your terms are, what are the prerequisites. Israel has three. It's been clear for days, for weeks now. They want three things. They want the covenant rewritten, they want recognition of their right to exist, and they want a halt to the intifada. Now, you know, you might say that the U.S. will await developments. You might say you have the same three conditions, or you might simply want to undo the reason you stopped talking to them, which is to stop engaging in terrorism. Can you select from that group or add any of your own what the U.S. wants from the PLO for its own American recognition? MR. McCURRY: I really don't have anything new to add. We've talked and you've heard the Secretary himself say that this is a situation we're looking at very carefully; but I don't have anything further to say on what the Secretary's already said. Q Are you engaging in any contacts with Congress about it? Are you moving papers? Are you requesting things from Congress? MR. McCURRY: There's substantial interest among members of Congress who are returning from their recess in this general subject about where are we with the Middle East discussions and what's happening. We have certainly had contact with members of Congress, but I don't know whether it addressed this specific issue. I don't have a full readout on each and every contact we've had, but there would likely be a substantial interest in that question. Q A follow-up: Have you requested a legal assessment from Congress, from anyone in Congress, from a commission in Congress, on that issue of recognition of the PLO? I mean, re-opening the dialogue with the PLO? MR. McCURRY: Not that I'm aware of. I'm not sure that would be the type of request we would make of Congress, but not that I'm aware of. Q There are reports on a kind of signing ceremony to take place as early as Monday in the White House between the Israelis and the Palestinians? Do you have anything on that? MR. McCURRY: No, no dates are set for any signing ceremony, because at this point we're waiting to hear from the parties themselves on the status of their discussions, whether in fact they've got an agreement that is to be signed. So we certainly will keep you apprised if that changes. Q You gave the impression that it's only a matter of time. MR. McCURRY: Well, I think we felt this conceptual breakthrough that has resulted in a declaration of principles is something that now needs to be formally put forward and the discussions about implementation have to begin to move on that. So in that sense, yes, it's a matter of time. But the question of how they would bring this document to finalization and how they would formally agree to it is something that we clearly are still discussing with the parties, and the parties themselves are discussing this important question of mutual recognition. Q Do you prefer it to take that way? Do you prefer it to take that way, the signing to be -- to take place in the White House in a ceremony, in a kind like a showy -- MR. McCURRY: Well, it's a great address, and it would always be a wonderful place to have an event of that nature. But, again, it would be entirely speculative and premature at this point to suggest that that's what's going to happen. We have to wait and see what happens. You'll certainly hear from the parties the moment they've got more to say about the status of their discussions, I'm sure. Q But that has been offered? The White House address and President Clinton's participation, that has been offered? MR. McCURRY: It's been widely reported over the last couple of days that it's been offered. I don't have any reason to dispute that. Q If the White House is offered or if the United States has offered as a signing -- for the signing ceremony, doesn't the United States have to have a policy about its relations with the PLO before it can play host to the PLO as one of the parties to -- MR. McCURRY: It would as a simple question of protocol, but again that's among many reasons why this is entirely speculative, since there's no change in our policy on that question. Q In the signing ceremony, does the signing at all have to hinge on recognition, mutual recognition? Can you envision something being signed without -- MR. McCURRY: Not in our view. In our view there's a very important historic achievement here, which is the framework for a discussion of peace as it relates to the declaration of principles that you've seen put forward. That in itself is an important, impressive breakthrough, and one that will need to be formalized. The other issue, which is -- if you think about this, the conceptual breakthrough is the declaration of principles which the parties reached. It is really a psychological sea change in the history of the Middle East for them to move into the discussion about recognition. But, again, that's one that the parties themselves have to address and they, apparently from what we hear, are addressing. Q Michael, to go back to the issue of the date, you have been quoted in The New York Times over the weekend saying that it's been offered and -- MR. McCURRY: Where? Q -- it's a tentative date. What kind of characterization do you have to put on that exercise? Was it offered? Was it suggested? Was it proposed? MR. McCURRY: It was a blissful Labor Day weekend, so I may have missed that report. But the idea that they tentatively -- I mean, look, everyone here knows how a White House event happens. It happens with a great deal of planning. So do you have advance people running around making contingency plans? Sure, that would be expected. But that doesn't suggest that there is a document that is ready to be signed. The parties themselves will let us know at what point they're ready to formalize that. We are working directly with them on that question, and that's something that you'll see developed, presumably over the next several days. Q Going back to the question of hinging on recognition of the PLO, you were addressing a moment ago whether the signing has to hinge on recognition between Israel and the PLO. Does a signing ceremony or does any signing event hosted by the United States hinge upon any change in U.S. policy toward the PLO, or is it possible that such an event could occur with no change in the current U.S. policy toward the PLO? MR. McCURRY: It's a real hypothetical question as we look at what the parties themselves are doing. But for those of you who have seen some of the leaked versions of this document, it's clear that it is in the nature of a declaration of principles that was very much like the ones the U.S. put forward to the two delegations negotiating here. Q I don't think I made my question clear. My question is about hinging it, as far as the U.S. is concerned -- not hinging it on relations between Israel and the PLO -- could the U.S. host an event at which the PLO participates without any change in U.S. policy toward the PLO? Regardless of what Israel and the PLO does, does there have to be a change in U.S. policy toward the PLO, or is the Administration's position that because you've managed the peace process, you can host an event related to the peace process without changing U.S. policy toward the PLO? MR. McCURRY: It splits some hairs. The question itself splits some hairs. Is there a possibility that the United States could go ahead and see these two delegations here signing this document without any formal change in policy? I think the answer to that is yes. I mean, the two delegations could clearly sign the kind of document that we've seen described as the current draft of the declaration of principles without their being any change in policy on recognition. Q By -- MR. McCURRY: By the United States. Q Can you provide us Christopher's contacts, phone calls, etc., the last 24-48 hours? MR. McCURRY: I tried to get a complete readout on what he had done over the last 24-48 hours, and I don't know that there was a lot new. He has had some extensive consultation by cable -- I think, as many of you know, both the President and the Secretary have had extensive contact by cable -- with governments in the region, especially Arab governments in the region and encouraged their support, specifically Gulf Cooperation Council members, I believe over the weekend. A lot of these were actually delivered over the course of the weekend. He has also been in contact with the EC, encouraging them -- actually giving them an the update on the negotiations as they now stand and encouraging their strong support for the agreements that are being reached between the Palestinians and the Israelis. There may have been additional phone contacts that he personally made that I don't have, but I will see if I can get something further on that. Q Christopher said last week that the United States was prepared to at least partially underwrite part of the Palestinian- Israeli agreement monetarily. The Israelis say the U.S. will not be hit with a large bill. Can you talk to us some more about where the thinking on that is or the actual planning? Are you sitting down and drafting some thoughts on -- MR. McCURRY: There have been many discussions underway about what will it take to make sure that this is a successful transformation. How would the implementation of these agreements be, in fact, a success. Now, we have been -- I think you've heard me say in the past -- been in contact with a variety of other people who would have an interest in the success of this type of negotiation: with our partners in the region, with Japan, with the European Community, with others in the world community, who perhaps through international financial institutions or through other participation would want to see to it that this type of empowerment of the Palestinians in the region is successful. So now as to the details of where the planning is on that, the one thing I can tell you is that nothing would proceed beyond an initial planning until there was very close consultation with Congress and until we knew more about the range of participation that would exist by other interested parties. Q Can I follow that up, Mike? I had a somewhat different impression. I thought Christopher was speaking -- and (inaudible) sort of echoed this -- by saying that it would be almost no -- and at one point he said totally no cost to the taxpayer. I thought he was speaking of underwriting -- he didn't use that word -- in a sense the U.S. would, you know, work on development, would sort of quarterback, would sort of be the initiator of a development program for Palestinian administration that would be underwritten by the Japanese, the Europeans, the Gulf countries. MR. McCURRY: I think the Secretary -- I wouldn't want to suggest there wouldn't be some cost to the United States -- the Secretary was directly addressing the question of was the United States going to foot the bill for this transformation. He said no, we would be working with a lot of our partners in the world community to share the costs and to share the opportunities that would exist to participate in this type of fund. So describing the role as being a quarterback -- there are certainly many in the world community we would work with to try to develop the resources to make sure that this type of effort is successful. Q Mike, the agreement explicitly refers to the G-7 as a party that would be called upon by the Palestinians and the Israelis to spearhead development -- to come up with a development plan I think is exactly the wording that it says. Has the U.S. taken any initiatives with the other -- with the G-7, through the G-7 process to begin such a development plan? MR. McCURRY: I will need to go back and double-check this, but I think it's reasonably true that that idea was injected initially at our suggestion, that the G-7 would be a good venue for those types of discussions. We have discussed with our G-7 partners in the past the need to be there with substantial resources as they conclude this type of an agreement. Q Mike, during the discussions, the initial discussions with Congress that you described to Jacques, did this issue -- was this issue presented to them in a preliminary way? MR. McCURRY: I don't know. I know that the question of funding for the early empowerment effort is something that has been raised in the past as we've talked through these issues with Congress. I don't know whether anything that's happened today has included that, and we would mostly be talking today since Congress is by and large just returning today, although there has been substantial interest on the part of various members of Congress who follow these issues carefully. I don't want to rule out that anyone's described this. Q Was it on the State Department's agenda when they went up to the Hill to present this to Congress? MR. McCURRY: I'm not certain that anyone has actually been up on the Hill. I think that they may do that, but I don't -- I think largely what's happened at this point are members coming back from recess, checking in and finding out more from us on the status of negotiations. Q Mike, has the conceptual breakthrough between Israel and the PLO had any effect on the multilateral talks? MR. McCURRY: Good question. I don't know the answer to that. I'll check. I've been following what the effect has been more on the bilateral tracks, but I'll check with those who are working with the parties on the multilateral track. I know that the Russians certainly feel that this has been a catalyst, and they are co-sponsors with us of the process as well. We've been in contact with them on some of the same issues that do arise in the multilateral track, but I'll check further on that. Q Beyond money, is there any other type of U.S. assistance being contemplated for the Palestinians -- advisers, security assistance -- and is there any military assistance being contemplated at all? MR. McCURRY: None that I'm aware of at this time. Q Speaking of money, I know you're not dealing with specifics at this point, but do you have ballpark figures for what the empowerment would cost? MR. McCURRY: I don't. There have been a variety of analyses developed within the region. There have been some -- I think I saw some figures that the World Bank was putting out the other day on what their estimates are. I think a lot of people are looking at the question. I don't know that we have any definitive estimates ourselves, but as we develop those, we'll try to share them. Q Have you been given any estimates by either the Palestinians or the Israelis? MR. McCURRY: As I say, a lot of people who have looked at it -- economic development experts and others -- have assessed on their own what they think the likely cost would be, and those are widely ranging figures. I wouldn't want to pick out any one as being any more authoritative, but they do range quite a bit in the amount of money required, both for the actual ongoing costs of the civil functions that would be assumed by the Palestinians, and then also the initial one-time capitalization of reconstruction and other things that would be required to bring facilities up to par. That's obviously something that will be studied with a great deal of interest by a variety of institutions as we look ahead. Q Could I just get a clarification? So there is no assistance being contemplated beyond financial, is that what you're saying? MR. McCURRY: I haven't heard of any. Now, whether there are people within the government who are making plans or looking ahead or looking at scenarios, I can't speak of them, but nothing that I've seen put forward in an official sense. Q Going back to Jacques' question for just a minute about contacts, can you tell us -- the Secretary has had something of a special role in the Syrian-Israeli track, particularly after his last trip. Can you tell us whether the Secretary has been back in touch with Foreign Minister Shara or other Syrian officials beyond the cables that were sent out over the weekend? MR. McCURRY: I will take the question to see what his most recent contact with the Foreign Minister has been, or with any others on that track -- on the Syrian track. I just don't know the answer, but I can find out. Q Mike, just to go back to your response to a previous question on anything the U.S. has offered, the Secretary a couple of months ago said very clearly that the United States is prepared to assist in crafting or participating in some sort of security arrangements on the Golan Heights. Are you all taking that back now or -- MR. McCURRY: No. No change in what he has -- we have indicated our willingness to participate in the past. The parties themselves are well aware of what our commitments have been. There have been discussions around some of those issues, but I just don't want to get into the detail of what's being put forward at this point when they're still talking about these relevant issues. Q Mike, just how do you read the reaction of the Syrians to the rapprochement between the PLO and the Israelis? MR. McCURRY: I believe there were some concerns expressed, but there is now -- there seems to be an acceptance of the formulations that have been put forward by the Israelis and the Palestinians, and that is, of course, welcome. Q Still on Syria, that reminded me actually, the New York Times reported this morning that the Secretary's shuttle visit to Damascus on the last trip was conducted essentially as a way of prodding the Palestinians to think that there was something cooking on the Syrian front. I think the Times reported that the Secretary had nothing particular to say to President Assad when he went back on the last day. Do you care to comment on that at all? Is that -- MR. McCURRY: I don't know -- I think that was an interpretive piece. It may have had the effect of creating that type of dynamic, but certainly the Secretary had many reasons, as we indicated at the time, to return to Damascus on that last stop to meet with President Assad. Q New subject. MR. McCURRY: Warren. Q There seems to be a spectacular sort of mistake by the United States in accusing this ship of having chemical weapons and not having -- can you tell us why the State Department doesn't feel like China's owed an apology? MR. McCURRY: I don't have anything beyond what we've said over the weekend on that. We had a statement, I think as you know, I believe on Saturday on that. Nothing new to add. Q Mike, again on the Middle East, there was discussion earlier, a proposal for Shimon Peres which he called "the Marshall Plan for the Middle East," and when we talk about cost of the transition, we talk -- I guess you intend on the one hand the cost of the transfer of the civil administration to the PLO, but there's also some more basic problems -- water projects, infrastructure projects. Are those also taken into consideration in terms of possible developmental aid in the aftermath of such a peace by the United States? MR. McCURRY: I was describing earlier in response to Susan some of the things that are being looked at. Those are certainly things that are being examined by a variety of experts who are studying the question -- what would be required to actually implement this. As I say, we are aware that a lot of that type of analysis is being done. I just don't have anything for you that represents our own definitive assessment. But many of the things that you cite are correct, that there would have to be both infrastructure facilities, necessary improvements in addition to the ongoing costs of this transfer that would have to be looked at carefully. Q Mike, can I come back to the "Yin He" for just a moment? Your accusation -- the State Department's accusations about China's conduct on that ship, and so on, stand on the record. Unless you say something to revoke them, they're still there, and you leave the impression that the United States still believes there was something fishy about that ship. MR. McCURRY: Well, we do. We had information from a number of credible sources that -- I knew I was going to mispronounce this -- thiodiglycol and thionyl chloride were contained within the cargo on that ship. Q Well, what happened? It wasn't found. MR. McCURRY: It wasn't found. Q Does that cast some doubt on the U.S. Government's credibility when it makes an accusation with regard to China or with regard to anyone else for that matter? MR. McCURRY: No. Q Why not? MR. McCURRY: Because we've had sufficient credible information that those items were in the cargo. We worked closely with China and the Government of Saudi Arabia to examine those questions; and we will continue in the future to take a look at all these issues regarding proliferation, including chemical weapons proliferation, and make sure that our concerns are satisfied. In fact, that is exactly the type of cooperation in this instance that worked to resolve this matter that could be used to resolve some of the other outstanding issues we have on the proliferation front. Q Are you saying that the cargo could have been unloaded somewhere between China and Saudi Arabia? MR. McCURRY: I'm not saying that. There are some in the U.S. Government who believe that to be true, but I'm not saying that. Q Mike, wasn't there hundreds of containers? Wasn't that the original report that we got, and it seems hard to believe that, the ship's entire cargo would be dumped without a -- MR. McCURRY: Well, no. The ship was a container ship, so it had hundreds of containers. I don't think anyone ever suggested that they all were a shipment of one type. Q There have been reports that this search cost the Chinese millions of dollars. Is there some discussion with the Chinese about compensation? MR. McCURRY: There is not. The agreement that was reached between the countries at the time that the inspection was done -- the inspection itself was done with the full consent of China, and the U.S. Government informed China prior to the commencement of the search that it would not accept any financial liability as a condition of the search. Q Do you have anything to complain about the accuracy of the inspection itself? MR. McCURRY: No. As I say, we obtained information from a number of credible sources that the Yin He was transporting those chemicals, that they were destined for use in Iran's chemical weapons program, and we undertook an inspection of the cargo to see if we could see whether those chemicals were still on board the ship. Q On a related matter, has China responded to the U.S. invitation for it to have further discussions or negotiations on the question of missile technology proliferation? MR. McCURRY: We made the offer at the time that we discussed with them the M-11 issue. We made a standing offer to work in a cooperative spirit to resolve some of our concerns. I'm not aware that they have taken us up on that offer, but we will continue to be in contact with them on it. Q Well, sanctions also were imposed against Pakistan. When the Pakistani Foreign Minister was here, I believe last Thursday, I don't recall seeing a readout on that. Do you have one? MR. McCURRY: At the time he was here, I did have a very brief readout. I don't have it with me right now; but I believe it indicated that they had good, productive discussions on a number of issues beyond just proliferation concerns. They addressed regional security issues and other issues of bilateral interest. It was not dominated by the one subject of the M-11 by any sense. It was a broad-ranging and fruitful discussion. Q Well, do you remember what the guidance said about the M- 11 issue? MR. McCURRY: It said it was raised but it was not the focus of the discussion. Q Mike, you seem to be indicating that by some method -- you seem to be indicating that the United States is not flat wrong in what it believed was in this cargo. Is that a correct characterization on my part? Because it seems, from the evidence anyway, that the U.S. is flat wrong; but you're saying that's not the case. MR. McCURRY: I'm saying that we had good, sound, credible information upon which we initiated our concerns, or which we directed our concerns privately to China and then undertook to inspect -- Q How do you explain the disparity between your good, credible information and what was actually found on board the ship? MR. McCURRY: As I say, there are a variety of theories within the U.S. Government about what might have happened. Q And none of them include the fact that you might have just been flat wrong? MR. McCURRY: I haven't seen any information that suggests that we may have been flat wrong. Q Mike, another subject, but speaking of good, sound, credible information, sort of the revisionist view of the Somalia raid -- that there may indeed have been some Aideed operatives or people at those buildings where the raid took place? MR. McCURRY: I've seen news accounts to that effect this morning. I don't have anything new for you on that. I know that the Pentagon was looking carefully at those questions this morning and plan to address them as the day went on today. Q One more on China. Do you know if the Secretary plans to meet with the Chinese Foreign Minister when the two of them are in New York at the U.N.? MR. McCURRY: I've seen some things that indicate they might do that, but I don't have any firm details on that. Q Mike, are there any plans for any meetings here with President Izetbegovic when he comes tomorrow? MR. McCURRY: There are lots of plans underway. I think President Izetbegovic is in New York today, as you know, and I think does plan to be in Washington tomorrow; but I'd really prefer to let the White House handle that. Q Will he be meeting at all with the Secretary? MR. McCURRY: I think we've got some plans underway to that effect, but I'm really going to kick it back over to the White House because I think they'll be in a position to say something further on that later today. Q Can I ask the name of -- do you happen to have the name of the U.S. political officer who was injured in Somalia the other day? MR. McCURRY: I don't. I don't. Q Can you take that, or is that a name you'd just as soon not hand out? MR. McCURRY: I can take the question although I'll refer it back over to the Pentagon because they've been in contact with UNOSOM Public Affairs on handling the question. I just don't have it here. I had seen it earlier; I just didn't bring it with me. Q Do you have anything to say -- as long as you're on Somalia -- about the charges that the Italians refused to come to the aid of the Nigerians, seven or nine of which were killed over the weekend? MR. McCURRY: I don't have anything to say on that. We are aware of those news accounts. We're looking into that. Q Is there a new assessment on the part of the U.S. Government -- or new fear -- that if Aideed is taken, there could be hostage-taking of either journalists or NGOs from the outside? Is that something that you are now concerned about that perhaps you weren't a while ago? MR. McCURRY: We have been watching very carefully what General Aideed is up to and what he is capable of. We have a range of concerns about his capabilities to disrupt civil authority in Mogadishu and to disrupt the humanitarian effort there. As you've heard Secretary Aspin and many others say, that's precisely among the reasons why we're addressing that situation now on the ground; but we certainly continue to monitor and develop information that will help us understand the types of activities that General Aideed and his clan are capable of. Q Mike, do you have anything on the internal situation in Iraq in the light of the Cabinet reshuffle and the reports of death sentences being executed? MR. McCURRY: I don't have anything. We, of course, have seen those reports. That's something that, as you would expect, we monitor very carefully; but I don't have anything to provide right now as our current assessment of what that all means. Q Michael, on Azerbaijan: My original question on Elchibey, do we still consider the man as being the President after what happened over the weekend? And could you shed some light on the tension between Turkey and Armenia? Do you have a reading on that? MR. McCURRY: I've been looking at that myself. I haven't seen anyone develop a definitive answer on that. Of course, obviously because of the referendum, we would want to address very carefully what we do say on that, so I will take the question and see if we can get an update on our view of what's going on there -- the fighting and the concerns about outside military involvement in the theater itself. Q And can you put what the Minsk Group is going to try to resolve that? MR. McCURRY: Yes. The Minsk Group, I think they were scheduled to meet today, I believe, weren't they? I'll see if we can find out and get any type of readout on that. Q Can you tell us how the U.S. assesses the result of the talks between the IAEA and North Korea? And my second question is what is the U.S. posture on the high-level talks between the U.S. and North Korea? MR. McCURRY: We don't have any direct comment on the discussions underway between the IAEA and North Korea. It is our expectation that those consultations develop and address all the questions that remain on the agenda because they are important. In answering your second question, it is that dialogue with the IAEA, as well as the North/South dialogue which we believe must resume and continue, which is critical to our ability to engage in a third round of discussions with North Korea at some date in the future. These are related questions, and the importance of the IAEA discussions with North Korea cannot be overstated. Q Last week, the Chinese Embassy here lodged a protest concerning the U.S. sale of E-2 Early Warning Aircraft to Taiwan. Do you have anything on that? MR. McCURRY: I had seen something about the protest, but I don't have anything by way of a response. If and when we do provide that response, I'll see if I can share it. Q The other day you said you are not selling E2-C, instead of E2-T aircraft. Can you say something on that? MR. McCURRY: About the difference between the configuration? There's a difference between the two designations as they relate to the capability of the aircraft, but I would want to go back and retrieve that and get the precise answer to satisfy the question. Q Also on China. The U.S., I believe, condemned China in Brussels today concerning alleged violations of some endangered species convention. Do you have anything on that? MR. McCURRY: I don't. I'll direct you to the Interior Department. The question is whether or not to certify China under the Pelly Amendment for trade in rhino horns and tiger parts. My friend, Secretary Babbitt, is addressing that question today. We have talked to the Chinese Government about it in the past. We know that they have made significant efforts in the last several months to combat this trade by their nationals; but, nonetheless, they continue to be a primary market for rhinoceros horns. I think the Interior Department will be developing that more directly. Q Michael, did the U.S. Government have the chance to debrief the two Iraqi diplomats who deserted to London? MR. McCURRY: I don't know the answer to that. Obviously, the British were in close contact with them; but I don't know that we had any direct contact with them ourselves. Q Can you take the question? MR. McCURRY: Yes, I will. I'll take it and see if we can find that. Q When did the Chinese deliver a demarche on the -- that you were talking about before? MR. McCURRY: About the Taiwan sale? Q Yeah. MR. McCURRY: I don't know. I'd have to check and see. I think it was fairly recently, or it was a subject I saw raised fairly recently. I don't know that they formally demarched or not, but I know the subject came up in some contact fairly recently. I just don't remember -- Q An Armenian question: The press reported and several European newspapers said that the Armenian side trained PKK terrorists in Armenian territory. They trained helicopter pilots, they trained some sabotage group. Do you have anything about that? MR. McCURRY: No. I don't have anything on that. Q Will you take the question? MR. McCURRY: I will check and see if we can get anything for you on it. Warren. Q Mike, anything yet on the Woodruff investigation? MR. McCURRY: They're developing some things. I understood that were in contact with some of the other agencies, particularly the FBI, to see if we couldn't prepare a final report sometime soon. They said they were moving towards that end at the end of last week. I didn't check today prior to the briefing, but we continue to ask them to decide when we can provide some type of public accounting of their own investigation. Q Anything on the Funk investigation? MR. McCURRY: Nothing on the IG's look at the files issue. Q This report that came out of Mostar over the weekend about the prisoners being kept in underground tunnels, starved, and beaten. Do you have anything on that? MR. McCURRY: We are seriously concerned about those reports and the others that we've received about inhumane conditions at some of the Croat detention camps where they're holding an unknown number of Muslim prisoners. We've also seen some of the news accounts from the region which detail what have to be called deplorable abuses and human rights violations. We've raised our concerns with senior Croatian and Bosnian Croat officials, insisting upon free and full access to the camps, and we've made clear that we hold them responsible for ending these abuses immediately. Q Still on Bosnia. Senator Lugar, who returned from a two- week diplomatic mission, visited Croatia and Macedonia and some of the areas. His assessment was that -- he said the Serbian forces were more like hoodlums to a U.S. ground force presence, and a peacekeeping force would pose mainly a threat somewhat resembling some sort of guerrilla force. He said that organized resistance would probably collapse in the face of a U.N. presence there. Is that the State Department's assessment? MR. McCURRY: Was he referring prospectively to implementing a political settlement? Q That's right. He said that in the event there's a U.S. ground force presence and a peacekeeping force that would follow a settlement. MR. McCURRY: So he was suggesting that could be a successful participation of the United States? We certainly will be very interested in his remarks. I was not aware he had commented at that length; but he is someone whose opinion the Department values very highly, and we will be finding out more about his assessment from being there on the ground. I should say, also, we've had Ambassador Jackovich in Bosnia returning to Sarajevo, I believe, this week who has been moving around, looking at much the same type of question. These assessments will become important to us as we move ahead in looking at what the next steps would be if and when there is a political settlement that's ready to be implemented. Q Where is Ambassador Jackovich? MR. McCURRY: Right at this moment? I think he was in -- he's currently on his way back to Sarajevo where he'll continue to report on the situation. Last week I saw some reporting from him from around other parts in Bosnia. He had gone to the Mostar region and looked at some things there, but I believe he's going back to Sarajevo. Q Last week the U.S. was again talking about the possibility that some sort of air strikes might be necessary. It has been now five or six days since those comments were made and there doesn't appear to be much progress or any progress in the peace talks. There also doesn't appear to be any movement forward toward actually implementing that sort of bold talk. Am I correct in that assessment, that we basically are static? MR. McCURRY: No. I think there are preparations that are made and fine tuned to carry forward on the NATO initiative, should it be necessary. But again, that hinges on the question of whether Sarajevo and the other areas in Bosnia are being strangled. There has been some slight improvement in some of those conditions, but not any evidence that the Serbs are continuing wholesale strangulation of Sarajevo at this point. Again, we are looking for improvement -- significant improvement -- over time in the humanitarian condition. That's something that we continue to press quite vigorously. Q Have we pressed with our allies on this since the U.N. -- the Security Council has given a go-ahead on this; and what you say is the strangulation is proceeding slowly, or a little more slowly than it has been, but strangulation nevertheless which would seem to be the criteria for launching these air strikes. Is the United States pressing to do this in the military councils of NATO, perhaps? MR. McCURRY: We have pressed vigorously to remind our allies of the commitment that does exist and to provide our interpretation of what we think the events on the ground and the results of the recent discussions in Geneva have been. Again, I would say our view at the moment is that the parties must return and finish the work that they are close to finishing on an agreement. I think you all know that we covered last week some of the things. You heard the President and the Secretary talk about what we believe is the current posture of the Bosnian Government in those talks, but the important thing is for a settlement to be reached so that work preparing for this coming winter can now proceed unhindered. Q (Inaudible). MR. McCURRY: Because the humanitarian situation in Sarajevo and elsewhere in Bosnia will surely deteriorate absent any type of political settlement that can be reached in good faith by the parties and implemented. That is a key in many ways to ensuring that there can be the type of humanitarian relief that will save lives this winter and beyond. Q You're pre-supposing a return to the peace talks in Yugoslavia is going to yield positive results? MR. McCURRY: We think that the parties were very close. We do feel that if they could -- in the case of the Croats and Serbs, if they could show some flexibility at this point, an agreement could be reached which could be very important to the long-term health of hundreds of thousands in Bosnia. Q The President last week made some new threats of the use of force. Now you're talking about the deplorable conditions that the Croats are putting the Muslims under. What credibility do these threats have -- and you're causing alarms or calling for some alleviation of the conditions -- if the United States and other nations continue to voice the threat and never use it, and the strangulation and the conditions go on? MR. McCURRY: The President referred very directly to the types of things that would happen. The NATO air strikes are related to the resumption of shelling; a significant deterioration in the humanitarian condition rather than what we're now seeing, which is modest albeit painstaking improvements, and disruption of humanitarian efforts elsewhere. What credibility do these strikes have? Well, those things have not happened. There has not been a resumption of shelling; there's not been a resumption of wholesale military action by the parties themselves. There have been some slight improvements in the humanitarian situation, and there's been unhindered access by humanitarian convoys at most places in Bosnia. The credibility of the air strikes is very directly related to those material facts on the ground, I would suggest. Q So you're suggesting -- but earlier, you suggested that the situation is not markedly improved in Sarajevo or any place else? MR. McCURRY: I'd say it's improved very slightly. What I suggest is that we want to see consistent, dramatic improvements in the humanitarian situation and the achievement of a political settlement that then could be implemented would be the surest way of speeding that type of humanitarian improvement. Mark. Q Last week, the Secretary and the President urged the Serbs and the Croats to be more flexible. Did Ambassador Redman say anything similar to that at the time, in the third week of August, when the talks recessed and all parties were given a 10-day deadline by the mediators to approve the agreement? MR. McCURRY: I don't believe that that was -- there was a different message. He was in close contact with the parties at that time. He was certainly encouraging them to reach an agreement. I think throughout the contact that he's had, especially with the Croats and the Serbs, he's encouraged them to be flexible and to understand the legitimate concerns of the Bosnian Government; but that specific message, I'm not sure in looking back chronologically when that message was conveyed. Q So the United States did not take a specific position when the talks were going on and it might have had some means of actually pressuring the Serbs and the Croats at the bargaining table? MR. McCURRY: We have not taken a specific position on the nature of the outcome of the discussions, which is to say we have not had our own preferred map or our own view of what type of settlement should be reached. We have expressed recently -- your question is really how recently have we expressed some desire or some interest in seeing some of the parties show some flexibility so they can finalize an agreement. I do think that we have consistently expressed to the parties our belief that an agreement bargained in good faith would be an important outcome because it would result in saving lives. Q Mike, earlier you said that progress in relieving the humanitarian situation in Sarajevo had been painfully slow, and a moment ago you said the United States wants to see consistent, dramatic improvement in the humanitarian situation. Is it fair to say then that the warning still exists because the improvement has not been fast enough to suit the United States? MR. McCURRY: I'm not extending the warning of NATO air strikes beyond where the President of the United States and the Secretary placed it correctly last week; but it is manifestly clear that the goal of our policy has been to see an improvement in the humanitarian conditions there. A question earlier suggested, well, if strangulation continues or reappears or it is clear that there are people thwarting the ability of the citizens of Sarajevo and other places to have the benefits of some of the humanitarian aid that UNPROFOR is attempting to address, that would present the type of situation as directly addressed by the NATO communique. So, in that sense, the threat of air strikes does stand. Q Michael, is the U.S. Ambassador going to Sarajevo to stay or to proceed later to his station in Zagreb? MR. McCURRY: Ambassador Jackovich? Q Yes. MR. McCURRY: His ultimate address would be Sarajevo, as the Ambassador to Bosnia; but he has been in and out of Sarajevo over the recent period. Again, as I say, I report he's going back there today; and I'm not sure how long he will be at post there. Q Mike, one more question on the files matter. You said that you had nothing to say about the Inspector General's report. Has the Secretary taken any administrative action with regard to any employees of the White House Liaison Office at the Department? MR. McCURRY: No. He has not taken any administrative action. Again, on that issue, the White House Liaison Office requested files from storage, which is perfectly proper for the White House Liaison Office to do. Beyond that there's not information that's been examined or developed by the Inspector General to warrant accusations against any particular individuals at this point. That's my understanding. Q So we know where things are at different points in time, the employees of the White House Liaison Office today are the same as those who were the employees of the White House Liaison Office on January 21, or whenever they first moved into the office; is that correct? MR. McCURRY: I don't know that for a fact. It's a small office. To my knowledge in recent months, it's had maybe three people associated with it. I think there have been some people rotating in and out of the office, but I don't know the status of each and every individual in the office. Q Since there are only three of them, it wouldn't be too hard to find that out. MR. McCURRY: It's not proper for me to comment on that or to single out any individuals because there's no reason for us to suggest that any three particular individuals are involved in something at this point. That's something, clearly, the Inspector General will examine. Q Did any of those three individuals rotate out after the Secretary or his staff learned of the decision to request these files? MR. McCURRY: No, there's not been any change in their status. I think there was one individual who may have been on a detail to another agency to work on an existing project, but that had occurred to the initiation of an Inspector General examination. Lee. Q I just wanted to make it clear. Neither the Serbs nor the Croats face the warning of U.S./NATO military action if they don't show greater flexibility in these negotiations? That's not part of the warning? MR. McCURRY: No. The warning, as the NATO communique was developed and addressed in August, specifically relates to the humanitarian situation, i.e., specifically the strangulation of Sarajevo and then the unimpeded access to humanitarian relief elsewhere in Bosnia. Q I think we would be remiss if we didn't ask, since you're planning meetings with President Izetbegovic, are you also planning similar level of contacts with the leaders of Croatia or Serbia? MR. McCURRY: I think the difference is that, to my knowledge, they don't plan to be here in the United States which is why we were discussing Izetbegovic. We have had very high-level contact with them through Ambassador Redman in Geneva on a fairly on-going basis up until the suspension of the recent discussions. Q Thank you. MR. McCURRY: You're welcome. (Press briefing concluded at 1:44 p.m.) (###)