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US DEPARTMENT OF STATE DAILY PRESS BRIEFING #9: Source: State Department Deputy Spokesman Joseph Snyder DEPARTMENT OF STATE DAILY PRESS BRIEFING DPC #9 TUESDAY, JANUARY 19, 1993, 12:41 P. M. (ON THE RECORD UNLESS OTHERWISE NOTED) MR. SNYDER: Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. I've got several announcements, and then I'll be very glad to take whatever questions you might have. First of all, tomorrow is a federal holiday in Washington, and there will be no briefing. Secondly, today at 2:00 p.m., Patricia Diaz Dennis, Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs, will hold an ON-THE-RECORD briefing right here in the State Department Press Briefing Room on the Department's Report to Congress on Human Rights Practices for 1992. Two reference copies of the full report are available for press review in the Press Office, Room 2109. In addition, a reading copy has been placed in the Correspondents Room at the State Department. The information in these reports is embargoed until the conclusion of Ms. Dennis' briefing. A limited number of full texts of the report are available on a first-come, first-served basis, on 3-1/2" MS-DOS formatted, ASCII text format computer diskettes. A "loaner" diskette set is also available for copying. The Government Printing Office will publish and offer for sale at its bookstores bound copies of the full report within about two weeks from the date of release. Second announcement: It's a busy day for printing. The Department of State is today releasing the Management Task Force report "State 2000 -- A New Model for Managing Foreign Affairs." Copies of the report are available in the Press Office. This report is an extensive review of the organization and management of the Department of State in light of future responsibilities in a radically different world environment. It was prepared by a task force composed of members of the Department of State, both Civil and Foreign Service. The report has been in preparation since January of last year as a result of a directive from Secretary of State Baker to Under Secretary for Management John Rogers. The report has been circulated in the Department and provided to the Transition Team. And, with that, I'll be happy to take whatever questions you might have. Q Do you anticipate any changes, personnel or otherwise, in the Press Office make-up or the Bureau of Public Affairs composition? MR. SNYDER: I expect there will be some changes. Not in the Press Office, but in the Bureau certainly. Q Well, who will brief on Thursday? MR. SNYDER: I expect Richard (Boucher) will brief on Thursday, but we'll have to look at it to be absolutely sure. Q Has he been asked to remain? MR. SNYDER: He has been asked to remain for some time -- sort of an indefinite amount of time. Q And he has agreed to do that? MR. SNYDER: And he's agreed to do that. Q What is the current size of the transition unit as of today? It was eight the last time you spoke about it, I think. MR. SNYDER: Considerably larger, but I don't have the numbers. Q Are any of the prospective Assistant Secretaries of State and deputies and Under Secretaries presently working in the building, getting geared up to take over their positions? MR. SNYDER: Has the transition announced the new personnel? I don't think they have. I saw in the press that they were going to do it today. I didn't know that they have. Q That wasn't the question. The question was whether any of them are here -- working. MR. SNYDER: Well, since they haven't made the announcements, I'm not really going to talk about who they are. There are a number of people working here, and traditionally people in the transition team, some of them, tend to stay around. But they haven't made any announcements beyond the top two positions. Q Joe, is there any disappointment in the State Department at the lack of support coming from the Arab world to the incidents in Iraq? MR. SNYDER: Let's be clear. There's no disagreement between the United States and our coalition partners, including the Russians and those in the Arab world, on the fundamental objective of assuring Iraq's full compliance on all U.N. Security Council resolutions. We share the frustrations expressed from various quarters over the Iraqi regime's continued belligerence and aggression. We would all prefer the Saddam regime comply voluntarily. Indeed, we've been striving for months to bring that about by diplomatic means. Our forceful action against the Iraqi military and weapons of mass destruction targets over the past week followed weeks of increasingly provocative behavior by the Iraqi regime and repeated warnings by the Security Council and coalition members. Starting in mid-November, the Iraqis had used terrorist bombings and bureaucratic interference to sabotage U.N. humanitarian relief convoys to aid the civilian population of north Iraq who suffer greatly under an economic boycott imposed by Baghdad itself. With increasing frequency in December, Iraq repeatedly put at risk coalition aircraft monitoring Iraqi compliance of U.N. Security Council Resolution 688 and its demand that Baghdad cease repression of the Iraqi people. In January, Baghdad placed unacceptable conditions on the U.N. Special Commission, UNSCOM, which is charged with overseeing the destruction of Iraq's ambitious program of weapons of mass destruction. The Iraqis also violated agreements with the U.N. Iraq-Kuwait Border Commission by failing to abandon police posts determined to be in Kuwait by the January 15 deadline, threatening to raze UNIKOM operating facilities and violating procedures for retrieval of property. Baghdad's actions blatantly violate the full range of U.N. Security Council resolutions passed during and after the Gulf War to ensure that Iraq would never again be a threat to its neighbors, to world peace, and to its own people. On January 8 and again on January 11, the U.N. Security Council declared Iraq's interference with the actions of UNSCOM and UNIKOM to be Òunacceptable and material violationsÓ of Security Council Resolution 687. It warned of Òserious consequencesÓ which would flow from IraqÕs failure to meet its obligations. Moreover, Saddam Hussein ignored repeated clear-cut warnings by the United States, the United Kingdom, France and Russia that provocative actives would not be tolerated. Against this backdrop, the coalition's limited military actions of the past week were appropriate responses. These actions were taken in consultation with other coalition members in and outside the region, including the Russians, the Turks and Arab states. Our objectives were straightforward: First, to demonstrate to the Iraqi regime that it cannot with impunity place conditions on the workings of U.N. agencies seeking to carry out the mandates of the Security Council; and Two, to protect coalition aircrews carrying out operations to monitor implementation of Security Council Resolution 688. Like others, we deeply regret that defiance of the will of the international community has put Iraq's people in harm's way. Q Well, Joe, what you just said then makes my original question more pointed. In light of all this consultation and in light of the broad agreement on the principles and the aim, is there disappointment in the State Department at the lack of public support coming from the Arab world and other members of the coalition? MR. SNYDER: I would repeat only that there's no disagreement on the fundamental objective of assuring Iraq's full compliance with all U.N. Security Council resolutions. Q Would the United States prefer to see some -- a greater chorus of public endorsement by the coalition partners, or is the United States satisfied at the increasing perception, at least in the public arena, that the actions taken against Iraq are taken by a very limited coalition rather than the broad one which was -- which had publicly endorsed the actions two years ago? MR. SNYDER: I would only say again that the coalition is in general agreement on the fundamental objective. That's what's important. All of us agree that Iraq should be in full compliance with the resolutions. Q Joe, do you agree with the Russian contention that there has to be another meeting and another action by the U.N. Security Council before further attacks, if necessary, against Iraq? MR. SNYDER: No, we don't -- and I'm not sure that the Russians said that this is absolutely true. According to what I have, they didn't ask for prior Security Council approval before further military action. Let me go into that a little bit. On January 8 and 11, as I mentioned, the Security Council found Iraq in material breach of relevant portions of Resolution 687, which established the cease-fire and provided the conditions essential for peace and security in the region. This finding in effect authorized the coalition to take appropriate action, including the use of force in accordance with Resolution 678 to bring Iraq into compliance with U.N. demands. Firing by Iraqi gunners at coalition aircraft also threatens coalitions forces monitoring Iraqi compliance with Security Council Resolution 688, requiring Baghdad to cease repression of its civilian population. Further coalition action will depend on the Iraqi regime's behavior. If Baghdad continues to disobey the requirements of U.N. resolutions, we will act. Q Well, Joe, you didn't -- I know that doesn't deal, really, in any depth with the Russian argument. I agree with you that the wording of the Russian note is a little bit unclear, but they do say there's a need for consensus. And while they don't quarrel with the fundamental aim, they seem to disagree with the strategy of bombing Iraq -- sometimes twice a day. I think a fair reading of their note is that there has to be some expression of consensus on these tactics. Does the U.S. agree with that Russian admonition? MR. SNYDER: Well, we have consulted closely with the Russians and we will continue to have close consultations with the Russians and other key allies, including more discussions in the United Nations, on the problems of Iraqi intransigence and what actions we can take to ensure compliance. But I think we're very clear on a legal basis. We think that there's sufficient authority for what we've done and for what we might have to do in the future without -- Q Will there be -- MR. SNYDER: -- further compliance. Q -- another Council meeting? MR. SNYDER: I understand that there is going to be an informal session of the Council this afternoon to discuss a number of issues. I also understand that UNSCOM Chairman Rolf Ekeus is scheduled to brief the Council at that time on UNSCOM activities. Q While you are discussing the legal basis for the action let me try to split a couple of hairs. In terms of the strikes in the "no-fly" zones, are those being taken under the authority of 687 or 688? There's a difference in the content of those two resolutions. MR. SNYDER: They're taken under the authority of 678, which was the original cease-fire resolution. The 688 compels Iraq to cease repression of its civilian population. That is the basis for the establishment of the "no-fly" zone. But since you put the question exactly that way, and I'm not a lawyer and we've got a lot of lawyers in the building, let me see if I can get you a more hair-splitting answer to a hair-splitting question. Q It's hair-splitting, but as I understand it 688 did not have enforcement provisions enacted by the Council, and therefore the question is: On what basis are you able to take enforcement actions -- MR. SNYDER: The bases -- Q -- of the "no-fly" zones? MR. SNYDER: -- are the Security Council statements of January 8th and 11th, which found Iraq to be in material breach of relevant portions of 687. And this finding, in effect -- 687 -- authorized the coalition to take appropriate action, including the use of force, in accordance with 678. Well, again, let me have the lawyers try to come up with more exact wording that answers your question. Q Has it not been the U.S. contention -- Q Will you post it? MR. SNYDER: We will post it, yes. Q -- just a second -- that 678, which calls for a cease-fire provided Iraq accepts the terms proposed by the United Nations in the resolution, is sufficient basis for action any time that they are not in compliance. Hasn't that been our position? MR. SNYDER: That has been our position, and that's in effect what it is, but let me get something which puts the three resolutions together in some language that the lawyers have had a chance to look at. I don't really want to wing it on a legal question like that. Q Can you talk a little about -- I know you've talked in general terms about the transition and how you've consulted but not asked for the Clinton Administration's vote. Specifically on this week's strikes in Iraq, can you describe the consultation? MR. SNYDER: Marlin Fitzwater, over the course of several meetings with the press, I think has described that. I really would rather leave that with the White House. Q I also had another question on transition before we got into Iraq. MR. SNYDER: Yes. Q How many Schedule C employees at the State Department are walking out of here at the close of business tonight -- or, to put it another way, how many are staying? MR. SNYDER: Let me see if I can get that for you. I don't have that. Q Can you also tell us what's the procedure for the swearing-in of the Secretary -- the new Secretary of State? Who will be Secretary of State between the time Eagleburger leaves -- whenever that is -- and the time a new Secretary of State arrives? MR. SNYDER: Let me find out. I don't know. Q You don't know the answer to that question? MR. SNYDER: No. Q I mean it's so (inaudible). MR. SNYDER: I don't know exactly -- Q You mean the State Department -- MR. SNYDER: The Secretary has talked about his resignation being effective at the end of the day today. I mean he's made public statements to that effect. The transition doesn't take place until noon tomorrow. Q Right. MR. SNYDER: Let me look into it. And I also don't know about the swearing-in of the new Secretary. Q Yes. MR. SNYDER: So let me see if I can get a tick-tock of exactly -- Q How the transition takes place at the State Department. MR. SNYDER: -- how it's going to work, sort of mechanically; yes. O.K. We'll try to get something up reasonably early. It shouldn't be any problem. Q Isn't there some event this afternoon for Mr. Eagleburger's departure? MR. SNYDER: There is. There's been a State Department announcement -- an internal one. It's been on B-Net and passed around. At 5:00 o'clock, there's kind of a farewell. Q Speaking of United Nations things, what is the status of the U.S. efforts to seek prompt enforcement of the "no-fly" resolution in Bosnia? MR. SNYDER: This is not going to probably come as a great surprise to you, but discussions continue in New York on a resolution text. I would add that we don't think that progress on the resolution is dependent on the Geneva talks or the vote by the Bosnian Serbs, which is scheduled for today on the Vance-Owen plan. Q From time to time you've said that on the various U.N. resolutions that you talk with your friends and allies, you talk with the Perm-5, the Perm-4, the Perm-3. With whom are you engaged in discussions now? Are you engaged in discussions with Russia on that subject? Are you engaged in discussions with China on that subject? MR. SNYDER: We are engaged in discussions with members of the Security Council. I don't know who we're talking to on what particular days. Obviously, there's been a lot of intensive discussion with the British and the French, as countries with forces on the ground, as we've explained many times in the past. Q Can you help us gauge how far along the State Department is toward its announced goal of prompt enforcement, if we knew that the U.S. had begun discussions outside the Perm-3 -- and perhaps even outside the Perm-4? Could you look into that and see whether -- MR. SNYDER: I'll see if there's anything we've got to say. You know, we don't often go into the details of the tactics that we're using and where we are on particular resolutions. But I can answer a question that was asked last week. I think I can say with some conviction that we will not have the resolution in this Administration -- if that's of any help to you. Q I realize that diplomacy lives by imprecise language; but in the perhaps forlorn hope that we might bring some precision to the language could you define precisely what constitutes the coalition? MR. SNYDER: I'm not going to give you a list of the countries who are involved. The coalition was a matter of record during the war. So, yes, your hope is forlorn; and I'm not going to give you a list of which countries were involved. Q But are you saying that the coalition that was a matter of record during the war is the same as the current coalition? The coalition is the same as the one that existed, as a matter of record during the war? MR. SNYDER: I'm not sure whether precisely all of the countries would be defined as being in the coalition; but certainly, in general, the same group of countries are involved in one way or another, supporting what weÕve done. Q Like Syria? MR SNYDER: Again, IÕm not going to get into individual countries. Q Is three enough for a coalition? And especially if only one of the three is simply flying cover -- meaning actually two? MR. SNYDER: Other countries have been involved, as we've said -- actively involved. Q Have you had any discussion, any exchanges with Iran on the subject of the attacks on Iraq? MR. SNYDER: Not that I'm aware of. Let me check just to make sure. Q Is Ambassador Perkins staying on for the time being in New York? MR. SNYDER: I don't know. His successor has been named -- Q I know. MR. SNYDER: -- but I don't know. I just don't know the answer. Q All right. We're out of here. Thank you. MR. SNYDER: Thank you. (The briefing concluded at 12:59 p.m.)